Libmonster ID: EE-1298
Author(s) of the publication: A.M. Solovyova

On January 7 (19), 1885, in Orekhovo-Zuev, Vladimir province, a strike of thousands of textile workers broke out at factories belonging to the "Partnership of the Nikolskaya Manufactory of Savva Morozov son and Co." It went down in the history of the Russian labor movement under the name "Morozov strike" and was an event that marked the transition of the country's working class to a mass and organized struggle against capital. The Morozov strike was a natural phenomenon in the history of the proletarian movement. After the abolition of serfdom in Russia, industrial capitalism began to develop rapidly. The cotton industry grew especially intensively. It showed the highest level of concentration of production and labor, the greatest growth of capital and profits. In terms of the pace of such development, the Nikolskaya manufactory was at the forefront, by the mid-80s it was ranked first in the cotton industry in terms of the number of workers and third in terms of the scale of production. It was a large textile mill, consisting of a number of main, auxiliary, branch and dependent enterprises. The main production was concentrated in the factory village of Nikolskoye, which was part of the Orekhovo-Zuyevsky industrial center1 .

The Nikolskaya manufactory was characterized by high labor exploitation, which allowed the Morozovs to make huge profits. Thus, in 1874-1884, the profit amounted to over 9 million rubles .2 Experts have already noted that the Morozovs sought to squeeze out huge profits at the expense of the "low-paid, uncomplainingly exploited "working population" of their factories, without resorting to technical re-equipment of enterprises for as long as possible." 3 In the service of the Morozov millions, there was a network of clerical hierarchies up to the local clergy, who were actively used by the factory owners to enslave the workers. Orekhovo-Zuyevo was a kind of patrimony of the Morozovs, who concentrated in their hands almost all the fullness of civil power. Depending on them, there was a police supervisor who received 14 kopecks from the board for each Nikolsky worker, which was generally a considerable amount. The head of the manufactory, Timofey Morozov, was an honorary justice of the peace of Pokrovsky Uyezd, Vladimir Province. and, as the workers said, he administered his court with a whip and rods. Thanks to bribes and bribes, the Morozovs established contacts in the highest bureaucratic spheres and made extensive use of a well-established punitive machine that ensured their unpunished arbitrariness.

In the factories and residential barracks of the manufactory, almost a prison regime reigned. Against the" instigators of disorder "were opened" Vicious secret books "with the issuance of a "wolf ticket". At one time, there was a factory prison "gatehouse", where the master guards dealt with recalcitrant prisoners with whips and sticks.-

1 Orekhovo-Zuyevo, located 90 km from Moscow on the line of the Moscow - Nizhny Novgorod (now Gorky) railway, became. It became an industrial center in the mid-19th century as a result of the merger of the villages of Zuyevo and Dubrovka on the left bank of the Klyazma River and the village of Orekhovo with the adjacent factory village of Nikolsky on the opposite bank. It received city status in the summer of 1917.

2 TsGIA of Moscow, f. 342, " Partnership of the Nikolskaya manufactory of Savva Morozov son and Co.", op. 5, d. 27, ll. 1-27.

3 Pankratova A.M. Historical significance of the Morozov strike. In: Morozov Strike. 1885-1935. Moscow, 1935, p. 6.

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mi. In addition to the generally accepted hiring rules, the manufactory had "Special Factory Rules": the manufacturer arbitrarily made monthly deductions in the amount of 25% of wages in case of unauthorized departure of the worker. The system of fines, turned into a tool for additional enrichment, was predatory in nature. A zemstvo surveyor who visited the manufactory in 1882 wrote:: "The penalty here is for everything and at every step. Fines absorb 20 - 30% or more of the total earnings. The penalty, like the sword of Damocles, hangs over the worker for every reckless step, for every misdemeanor... Fines, all sorts of deductions and penalties have a fatal effect on the situation of workers, depriving them of their independence and well-being." 4 During 1881-1884, fines at the manufactory increased by 155%. T. S. Morozov ordered to fine "without presenting the goods" (the administration could tell the worker that he got a marriage without showing him the product he handed over) for any work, and in case of workers 'dissatisfaction, increase the fine twice, threatening to calculate 5." Fines they mean the servitude of the workers," V. I. Lenin pointed out, "and their subordination to the capitalists." 6
A new social force, the factory proletariat, had already developed in the Morozov enterprises of that time. During 1861-1883, the number of permanent Nikolsky factory workers increased 5-fold, reaching 10,5 thousand people .7 The growth rate of the permanent contingent of textile workers and its concentration here was the highest in Russia. Somewhat later, Lenin noted that Orekhovo-Zuyevo is at the head of factory rural centers, and "in terms of the number of workers it is second only to the capitals (26.8 thousand in 1890)." 8 By the mid-80s, all the workers of this manufactory were newcomers, of which up to 70% were natives of the Moscow, Vladimir and Ryazan provinces; a significant number were former ironworkers of the Tambov and Nizhny Novgorod provinces; up to 10% were retired soldiers or reserve lower ranks of the army. There was a high proportion of women's labor, primarily in the main workshops of the Big Paper Mill and Novotkaz factory (up to 60% of workers), and the labor of children was mercilessly exploited. According to underestimated data from the factory inspection, the number of workers under the age of 15 in 1883 was about 1.5 thousand people (10.4% of the staff) .9 There was a significant layer of personnel with a long production experience. Thanks to the high skill of the Orekhovo-Zuyevsky textile workers, wonderful products were created, samples of which were shown at All-Russian and world industrial exhibitions.

A certain role in the development of the consciousness of the Nikolsky workers was played by the frequent turnover of cadres and their mass movement in search of employment, which was then a typical phenomenon. Many local spinners and weavers who worked in the past in the factories of Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Shuya, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Narva, had experience in the strike struggle. Despite the efforts of the clergy, atheistic sentiments grew among the Orekhovo-Zuyevsky workers, and an interest in knowledge was awakened. In the early 80's, about a third of the workers of the Nikolskaya manufactory were literate and were readers of the factory library 10 . The traditions of proletarian struggle that were already forming there were of great importance for the development of the class consciousness of the Nikolsky workers. Since 1863, local textile workers have repeatedly clashed with the owner. However, these demonstrations were spontaneous and disjointed and were immediately suppressed by punitive methods.

It was only by the mid-1930s that the objective conditions for a major proletarian movement matured at the Nikolskaya Manufactory. The agitation work of the advanced proletarians, led by P. A. Moiseenko, who gathered an initiative group of textile workers around them, played a decisive role in rallying the Nikolsky workers for an organized protest against arbitrariness. Pyotr Anisimovich (1852-1923) was a Russian military engineer.

4 Prugavin V. S. Promysly Vladimirskoy gubernii [Trade of the Vladimir province]. Issue IV. Moscow, 1882, p. 41.

5 TsGIA of Moscow, f. 342, op. 8, 1175, LL-13-14; f. 131, Moscow Judicial Chamber, op. 41, 143, l. 142.

6 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 2, p. 21.

7 TsGIA Moscow, f. 342, op. 8, d. 172, ll. 6-7.

8 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 3, p. 520.

9 Peskov P. A. Report of the Vladimir factory inspector for 1885 St. Petersburg, 1886, p. 18.

10 Krasavchenko N. P. Economic situation and destinies of textile workers in the Vladimir province, 1850-1894. Kand. diss. M, 1955, p. 260

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a prominent figure in the revolutionary movement. Important milestones of the Russian labor movement were reflected in his life. Son of a serf of the village. From a young age, he worked as a weaver in Orekhovo-Zuyev, Moscow and St. Petersburg. By the mid-70s, Moiseenko (in those years - Anisimov) became an active participant in the revolutionary underground. "The most important thing for me," he recalled, " was my acquaintance with G. V. Plekhanov and S. Khalturin. The first taught us to understand, the second-to act " 11 . Moiseenko was one of the organizers of the "Kazan" political demonstration of 1876 in St. Petersburg, the strikes of St. Petersburg textile workers in the late 70s, a member of the" Northern Union of Russian Workers", which proclaimed the need for a political struggle against the autocracy. Moiseenko's "track record" includes about 13 years spent in prisons and exile, many arrests and trials. But after each release, the indomitable fighter with new energy, passion and perseverance went to battle against the world of oppression. In 1905, he became a member of the RSDLP, a Bolshevik, took an active part in the first Russian Revolution, was a correspondent for Pravda, in 1916 - one of the leaders of the Gorlovka miners ' strike in the Donbass, a participant in the civil war of 1918 - 1920, and in 1923 he finished his memoirs, which depicted the half-century path of the Russian proletariat. One of the central places in them is occupied by the history of the Morozov strike.

In the autumn of 1883, Moiseenko returned from Siberian exile and got a job as a weaver at the Nikolskaya Manufactory. Being a good conspirator, he managed to escape from the supervision of the police and get a "clean" passport, in which he changed the name " Anisimov "to"Moseyonok". Soon, Moiseenko launched an active propaganda campaign, attaching special importance to collective readings among workers and using them as a means of involving weavers in the struggle against exploitation. His warm word helped to increase the popularity of the proletarian leader. Textile workers reached out to him with complaints, for advice. At the same time, they wrote notes "What is life like for a worker at the Morozov factory". Found in his possession during his arrest, they became evidence for the police investigation into the case of "criminal agitation" among workers. In this manuscript, Moiseenko exposed the bonded system of hiring, showed the "infernal work" of a factory weaver, for which he received a meager salary, and denounced the arbitrariness of the manufacturer, the open robbery of workers in the owner's tavern. Notes draw a hungry, full of deprivation and grief, joyless share of Orekhovo-Zuyevsky textile workers 12 .

In November 1884, Moiseenko began preparing for a strike. He was energetically assisted by another proletarian leader, V. S. Volkov, who was recruiting new staunch assistants. Vasily Sergeyevich (1859-1887), a native of Serpukhov, worked at the Nikolskaya manufactory from 1884, and for protecting the interests of workers before the administration, he was nicknamed "lawyer"by them. In the process of organizing the strike, a strike activist of several dozen people played a decisive role in mobilizing the mass of thousands of workers, launching a diatribe agitation calling for a fight against the factory owner. Moiseenko and Volkov put forward a proposal to stop all the factories of the Nikolskaya Manufactory at the same time and submit to the authorities a request prohibiting the manufacturer from arbitrarily collecting fines and reducing wages. The working asset chose the moment when the general strike began successfully. "This time," Moiseenko recalled, "was indicated to us by the office itself." 13 In 1885, the administration declared a working day on January 7, which was considered a church holiday. On January 5 and 6, Moiseenko twice gathered the asset for a narrow and extended secret meeting to work out a plan of action, as well as collective demands to the manufacturer. A major role in this was also played by his fellow countryman from Smolensk Province, a comrade in the "Northern Union of Russian Workers" and Siberian exile, the revolutionary worker L. I. Ivanov (Abramenkov). On the eve of the performance, a significant part of the Nikolsky workers already knew about the decision taken at the meetings.

The strike broke out at dawn on January 7, 1885, at the Novotkatskaya factory, where Moiseenko, Volkov and most of the activists worked. The administration, informed the day before through informers of the planned action, hoped to disrupt the strike by an armed guard of 400 people. The guards managed to drive in the morning

11 Moiseenko P. A. Memoirs of an old revolutionary, Moscow, 1966, p. 235.

12 TsGIA Moscow, f. 131, op. 41, d. 138, l. 161.

13 Moiseenko P. A. Uk. soch., p. 74.

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transfer to the factory building. But the weavers, having stopped the machines and extinguished the main gas tap, went out to the factory yard. k. 9 o'clock. in the morning, all enterprises of the Nikolsky Factory Combine stopped working. A large crowd. I moved through the streets of Nikolsky, Volkov leading the way, carrying a red flag. The court materials of the "political inquiry" emphasized that on January 7, "during the street riots, Volkov, as it turned out by the preliminary investigation, led the crowd with a flag in his hands." 14 "This was the first time in the Vladimir province, "recalled the old communist S. P. Shesternin," when the workers raised the red banner. " 15
A crowd of strikers in anger rushed to smash the houses of especially hated master's assistants-senior master Shorin and manager Lotarev. Several shots were fired at the workers from the latter's house, but there were no casualties. The weaver Praskovya Khazova shouted: "Shoot! You can't shoot them all!" 16 . Having learned that the administration had banned the distribution of bread, the strikers rushed to smash the tavern shop as well. However, under the influence of more conscious workers, the pogrom of shops was stopped. The leaders of the strike, trying to channel the workers ' indignation into an organized channel, managed to prevent the destruction of factory property. The coroner, who examined the premises of the manufactory the next day, found that the machines, raw materials, semi-finished products, money in the factory office, etc.were intact. This was later confirmed at the trial by the manager Dianov.

On the first day of the strike, the administration and the police warden and their guards scattered. Workers became the owners of the factory and in the village. The leaders of the strike at the workers ' meetings agreed on the need to maintain calm and order. As the strike participant P. A. Vinogradov recalled, "guard squads were created in the barracks, which were supposed to protect the corridors from any accidents, such as arson"; this is also evidenced by the memoirs of the old communist P. E. Abakumov: "The strike proceeded in an organized manner. The factory and barracks were guarded by the workers themselves. " 17 The leaders of the Nikolsky strikers took vigorous measures to rouse the neighboring workers to fight. But this attempt failed, because already on the morning of January 8, the surrounding manufacturers posted ads about a 10% increase in earnings and " forgiveness of fines." This concession brought down the heat of indignation against the factory owners, and some of the Orekhovo-Zuyevsky workers did not join the Nikoltsy.

The Morozov strikers faced a difficult struggle. Tsar Alexander III, having learned of the strike, imposed a "supreme resolution" on the report of the Minister of the Interior: "I am very much afraid that this is an anarchist affair. Please let me know all the details that you will receive from the governor and the gendarmerie authorities. " 18 Already at dawn on January 8, 1885, a punitive expedition led by the Vladimir governor I. M. Sudienko, the head of the provincial gendarme department, Colonel S. S. Famintsyn, and the prosecutor of the Moscow Judicial Chamber (future Minister of Justice) N. V. Muravyov arrived in Orekhovo-Zuyevo, accompanied by two battalions of the 12th Velikiye Luki Regiment. Morozov, who arrived later, behaved defiantly, posting "announcements" about the partial forgiveness of fines, the immediate calculation of strikers and the subsequent hiring of those who wanted to on the old terms. Indignant workers tore down Morozov's manifesto and posted a negative response on the factory and barracks buildings.

On January 9, the strike asset drew up a "Demand by common consent of the workers". The first part was written by Volkov and mainly concerned the improvement of working conditions in the factory; the second, written by Moiseenko, reflected the interests of the entire working class: It called for the immediate promulgation of State laws on hiring, wage control, regulation of fines, and the introduction of"industrial courts." If implemented, these demands "would raise the consciousness of the workers," Lenin pointed out.-

14 TsGIA Moscow, f. 131, op. 41, d. 148, l. 70.

15 Shesternin S. P. Perezhitoe [Experienced]. From the history of the Workers ' and Revolutionary movement. Ivanovo. 1940, p. 220.

16 TsGIA Moscow, f. 131, op. 41, 140, l. 28.

17 Vinogradov P. Personal impressions of the witness of the Morozov strike of 1885 In: The Path to October. Issue 2. Moscow, 1923, p. 35; Istoriko-bytovye expedii 1949-1950. - Trudy Gosudarstvennogo istoricheskogo muzeya, 1953, issue XXIII, p. 169.

18 The labor movement in Russia in the XIX century. Sat. doc. and m-lov. Vol. 3, part 1. Moscow, 1952, p. 125.

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we have made them aware of their rights, their human and civil dignity, and taught them to think independently about state affairs and the interests of the entire working class. " 19 The "demands" were discussed and approved in the workers ' barracks and handed over to the governor by Volkov on January 11, 1885. The latter ordered Volkov's immediate arrest. At the same time, more than 50 activists were captured. Moiseenko decided to help out his comrades. On January 11, a crowd of thousands engaged in three direct street battles with the troops, trying to free Volkov. Moiseenko in a fight with the soldiers forced them to lower their bayonets, showing fearlessness and willpower. Most of the workers were released.

The governor demanded additional troops. By January 12, up to 2.7 thousand Cossacks and soldiers were pulled together in Orekhovo-Zuyevo. The authorities have begun implementing a "highly sanctioned" plan to " remove the instigators of the riot." Nikolskoye was declared under martial law, streets and passageways were blocked by Cossack patrols, population movements were prohibited, and raids and arrests of strikers began, which lasted until the end of January. The detainees were sent without documents and property in convict cars attached to freight trains. The event participant wrote: "January 13, 1885 I was an eyewitness to the picture that still stands before me as if it were alive. It was very cold. A huge crowd of several hundred people, surrounded by a dense ring of soldiers with rifles on their shoulders, climbed up from the station to Bolshaya Street (Vladimir). These were Morozov workers sent to the Vladimir prison. Lightly clad, driven by the cold, they walked briskly. Their thin faces were pale. I accompanied this procession almost to the provincial prison, which was located on the edge of the city, and returned deeply shaken. Since then... I began collecting information about the Morozov strike and subsequently wrote a pamphlet entitled "The Decade of the Morozov Strike." 20
Several hundred strikers were held for five to eight weeks in the Moscow transit prison, which was a living hell, where such "mockery of the human person" reigned that "the devil himself could not invent" 21 . Strike participant M. D. Pomoskov recalled: the expelled workers were taken from the central prisons in shackles and handcuffs to county prisons, then sent to volost places of detention, and from there - under public police supervision in villages .22 Repressive measures against the Nikolsky strikers were carried out by the administrative and gendarme-police bodies of 10 provinces (Moscow, Vladimir, Ryazan, Tula, Kaluga, Tambov, Smolensk, Tver, Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod), 57 counties and 253 volosts. Despite the arrests and expulsions of more than 600 active participants in the strike, less than half of the staff had started working at the Nikolskaya Manufactory until January 23; most of the workers, mostly weavers, continued to fight. Only by February 1, 1885, production resumed in the same volume.

Moiseenko, who was wounded in a fight with the troops, on the morning of January 12, on the instructions of a strike activist, went on foot to Moscow to establish contact with revolutionary organizations to help the Nikolsky strikers. But his attempts to establish contacts with advanced workers and the progressive public proved fruitless in the face of the most severe reaction. After learning from the newspapers about the mass arrests at the Nikolskaya manufactory, Moiseenko decided to immediately return to Orekhovo-Zuyevo.

The authorities opened a case against Moiseenko, Ivanov and Volkov "on political inquiry". Long before the trial of the strikers, as early as April 1885, the verdict was decided: "All three defendants should be exiled-Pyotr Moseenko to Eastern Siberia for five years, and Luka Ivanov and Vasily Volkov to Western Siberia for three years each." 23 The execution of the sentence was temporarily postponed until their trial. The authorities kept the prisoners of the Vladimir prison in solitary cells, without walking or medical assistance. Thanks to the actions of the workers who remained at large, in October 1885, Ivanov 24 was released . He settled in Vladimir, helping prisoners prepare material for their defense, and you-

19 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 4, p. 285.

20 Shesternin S. P. Uk. soch., s, 323.

21 Moiseenko P. A. Uk. soch., p. 30.

22 Proletarian Revolution, 1924, No. 1 (24), pp. 70-71.

23 TsGIA Moscow, f. 131, op. 41, d. 150, ll. 70-71; d. 151, ll. 4-5.

24 Ibid., d. 148, ll. 70-71; d. 151, ll. 4-5.

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he became a witness at the trial, and after the trial was sent for three years under the public supervision of the police to his homeland, in the village. Dyakovo, Gzhatsky uyezd, Smolensk province.

The Government has organized two major trials of strike participants in the Vladimir District Court: February 7-8, 1886-over 20 "instigators" led by Moiseenko and Volkov (almost all the defendants were sentenced to three months ' imprisonment) and May 23-27, 1886 - over 33 participants in the strike, again including Moiseenko and Volkov. They were charged with criminal offenses: assault on the guard, pogroms, destruction, looting of factory property. In the course of the trial, however, a picture of merciless exploitation, hard labor conditions and everyday life of workers was revealed. Lenin later wrote about this trial: "The Morozov weavers were tried by a jury, there were full reports in the newspapers, and at the trial, workers' witnesses revealed all the outrages of the manufacturer .25 Broad public opinion was on the side of the defendants. A group of workers from the Nikolskaya Manufactory who came as witnesses, not fearing reprisals, openly expressed their solidarity with the leaders of the strike. As Moiseenko recalled, when the defendants were ushered into the courtroom, "all the workers stood up and bowed to us." 26 According to the prosecutor's indictment, 101 questions were raised about the" criminal crimes "of the Nikolsky strikers, to which the jury gave a unanimous answer 101 times: "Not guilty" and acquitted the defendants.

This trial, and especially his acquittal, had a great social and political resonance. The news of it spread like lightning across the country. Gendarme Colonel N. I. Voronov later wrote that "the acquittal of the accused alarmed the authorities, who had least expected such an outcome of the case, caused panic and puzzled the factory owners, but the factory workers, and especially the strike leaders and leaders, were triumphant." 27 Naturally, the acquittal provoked a frenzied rage of reactionaries. The well-known ideologist of the autocracy, M. N. Katkov, wrote indignantly:: "In the God-saved city of Vladimir, a hundred and one salute shots were fired in honor of the workers 'question that appeared in Russia"; such "liberal verdicts" can only "corrupt the masses", with whom "it is dangerous to joke" 28 . By order of the authorities, Moiseenko and Volkov were exiled to a three-year administrative exile in the North, and Volkov, a tuberculosis patient, died in Ust-Sysolsk (now Syktyvkar) on May 17, 1887.

The Morozov strike was the most important event in the all-Russian working-class movement of the post-reform era, became a factor in educating the broad masses, establishing the ideas of proletarian solidarity in the struggle against the bourgeoisie, and contributed to the formation of proletarian demands for the next period of the struggle. According to the testimony of one of Lenin's associates in the St. Petersburg "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class", Vladimir Ilyich, when in 1895 he set forth the task of developing a broad agitation among the workers, strongly recommended that the experience of Moiseenko and his comrades m should be used . This strike prepared a number of militant leaders for new mass proletarian strikes and became a kind of school for workers ' leaders. Lenin considered it the starting point from which the modern history of the working-class movement in Russia begins. In his work" The New Factory Law", speaking about the political significance of the Morozovka strike, he pointed out that it was only under the powerful pressure of the persistent resistance of the Nikolsky strikers that the autocracy first issued factory laws, which were" a forced concession won by the Russian workers from the police government " 30 . In 1923, in Orekhovo-Zuev, a monument to the fighters of the revolution was erected in the Strike Yard, at the foot of which the ashes of the leaders of the strike, P. A. Moiseenko and L. I. Ivanov, rest. In 1984, a marble bust of V. S. Volkov was installed near the first weaving factory. Since 1965, every year all workers of Orekhovo-Zuyev celebrate the Day of Revolutionary Traditions on January 19.

25 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 5, p. 294.

26 Moiseenko P. A. Uk. soch., p.IZ.

27 Kabanov P. I., Erman R. K. Morozovskaya stachka 1885 goda [Morozovskaya strike of 1885]. Moscow, 1963, p. 86.

28 Moskovskie vedomosti, 29. V. 1886.

29 Silvin M. A. Lenin in the period of the Party's origin. L. 1958, p. 90.

30 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 2, p. 270.

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