Kwartalnik historyczay, an organ of the Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences, is one of the oldest scientific publications in the Polish People's Republic. This year it celebrates the 90th anniversary of the publication of its first issue.

The subject range of the journal's publications is extremely wide, and the journal's author's asset is numerous .1 The overwhelming majority of articles are devoted to the history of Poland, but at the same time from time to time substantial materials are published on the history of the countries of the socialist commonwealth, England, France, less often on the history of the United States2, Italy; there are almost no special articles on the history of Germany, which is probably explained by the presence of such a much attention is paid to the new and recent history of Germany.

The proposed review of the journal for the past seven years, of course, cannot claim to be exhaustive. A variety of studies on the history of antiquity and the Middle Ages, including Russian, remain out of consideration, and the journal constantly addresses these issues .3 Below we will discuss only a few materials, mainly on the recent history of Poland and on theoretical problems of historical science.

The issue of the journal devoted to the XIII International Congress of Historical Sciences (1970, No. 3) is of great interest. It contains materials on topical issues of the history of the countries of South-Eastern and Central Europe, and most of the articles analyze the events of the XIX and XX centuries.

J. Zharnovsky and A. Chubinsky consider the formation and development of the system of European nation-states in the post-October period in their research. Both authors carefully study the reasons for the formation of national states in Central and South-Eastern Europe, and convincingly emphasize the influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution on the development of the national liberation movement of the peoples of European countries. At the same time, Chubinsky reasonably criticizes the statements of bourgeois historiography about the decisive role of the leading Western countries and their leaders in the revival of national independence of a number of European states.

A large section of the same issue is devoted to agricultural history. In article E. Brodovsky's "Peasant Movement in Central and Eastern Europe in the 19th and early 20th centuries" analyzes the problems of the development of capitalism in agriculture, the specifics of the situation of peasants in different countries of this region, the nature and forms of agricultural production.-

1 In addition to Polish authors, Soviet historians and Marxist historians of France and Italy often appear in the journal.

2 In this sense, No. 2 for 1976 stands out, three articles of which relate to the history of the United States.

3 See the article by the Soviet author V. B. Vilinbakhov "The structure of Ancient Russian culture of the X - XII centuries" (1972, N 4), as well as a historiographical review of Z. V. Vilinbakhov. Vujtsika, devoted to the latest Soviet research on the era of Ivan the Terrible (1975, N 2).

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the Peasant movement, its slogans and demands; the emergence of political organizations of the peasantry. The author draws attention to the fact that the activation of the peasant movement often coincided with the rise of the national liberation struggle. This is especially true in Poland. Brodovskaya dwells on such a little-researched issue as the interdependence between the development of the mass movement of peasants and the growth of their self-consciousness, argumentatively showing that the ideas about the monarchical views of peasants, which are quite often found in historiography, are significantly exaggerated. In the same section, G. Slabek examines the nature of agrarian reform in people's Poland. Carefully analyzing Lenin's approach to the solution of the agrarian question and the Soviet experience of rural transformation, the author convincingly proves that the reorganization of agriculture carried out in Poland in 1944-1948 laid a solid foundation for cooperation between the working class and its party and the peasantry.

The section ends with a historiographical article by Yu. Shaflika on the study of the history of the peasant movement in Poland. The author notes that in recent years, the study of this problem has been conducted quite intensively. Many informative articles and monographs have appeared on the problems of the peasant movement during the partitions of Poland and in the interwar twenties. The struggle of the peasants during the Nazi occupation is the least studied. The article emphasizes that without a comprehensive presentation of the various stages of the peasant movement, it is impossible to create a complete and in-depth picture of the problems of the history of Poland in modern times.

The journal pays serious attention to the problems of social and economic development of Poland, rightly interpreting these problems as key to understanding the complex processes that took place after the creation of the independent Polish state. In the articles "The volume of cartelization of industry during the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth" (1974, No. 4) and "The development of cartel legislation in interwar Poland in the light of the government's economic policy" (1972, No. 1). 3 Landau, comparing numerous statistical data, comes to the conclusion that the degree of cartelization of Polish industry is very high. It was the large enterprises that were cartelized, while the small ones, which had limited financial resources, were not included in any cartels. Landau, however, believes that the number of monopolistic associations that existed in the country does not yet indicate the degree of cartelization of industry. The main thing, in his opinion, is not the number of cartels, but the volume of products produced by these associations. The author concludes that cartels did not play any significant role in Polish industry until 1926. After 1926, the process of cartelization was much more intense. In the early 1930s, 40% of industrial output entering the domestic market was owned by cartels. In 1935, cartelized joint-stock companies owned 80% of all capital. 60% of all Polish industrial output came from enterprises that were somehow part of large monopolistic associations. Even the reduction in the number of cartels in 1937 did not reduce the share of their output.

Landau notes that Pilsudski, seeking to expand the social support of the regime, not without success tried to attract to his side influential economic circles, which until then were strongly influenced by Endetia. A certain dependence of the government on big capital was also due to the fact that the most prominent representatives of the financial bourgeoisie subsidized the political activities of the Pilsudchiks. As a result, Landau believes, there was a union between the government apparatus and monopolies. The author's observation that the situation changed during the economic crisis and especially at the end of it seems to be true. Big capital now needed broad support from the Government. The desire of "rehabilitation" to subordinate the economic life of the country to state policy became more and more noticeable. During the years of the economic crisis, discontent with the regime significantly increased, and the further narrowing of its social support dreamed of serious complications. Landau writes that the organic weakness and backwardness of the Polish economy predetermined the limited role of monopolies in the political life of interwar Poland.

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The role of foreign capital in the development of the economy of interwar Poland is discussed in J. Kofman's article "Large-scale industry and foreign capital in 1920-1939" (1975, N " 2). The author believes that from 1918 to 1930, the state tried to attract foreign capital by all means, while in the 30s However, due to the decline in investment inflows, there is a different trend - to rely on your own strength. Such a change of course, the author notes, was explained by the deep crisis that hit the economies of the largest capitalist countries, which, in turn, caused capital to drain from the Polish market and made foreign entrepreneurs unreliable partners. In addition, Kofman emphasizes that the 1930s were a period of strengthening autarkic tendencies in the economy, totalitarian-in politics and public life in Poland. All this caused hostility to foreign capital mainly on the part of the small and middle bourgeoisie. At the same time, large industrial and banking capital, as well as the landed aristocracy, associated with foreign investment hopes for a more intensive growth of the domestic economy.

In contrast to the widespread view in Polish historiography4 that the development of the Polish economy should have been based primarily on domestic capital and internal forces , Kofman believes that the orientation towards broad attraction of foreign funds is theoretically more mature and optimal for those conditions. He suggests that Poland, for a number of reasons (the situation in the system of international relations, historical traditions, the scope of the labor movement, numerous trade unions), could not become either a puppet in the hands of foreign capitalists, or a sphere of their merciless exploitation. However, Poland at that time was not a country of highly developed capitalism (like, for example, Germany or Belgium), where private foreign capital was willing to rush, receiving high profits. Thus, the economic postulates of large Polish entrepreneurs did not stand the test of practice. The harsh reality forced the government (especially in the last pre-war years) to reconsider the principles of economic policy, forced it to focus more on its own forces, and more actively interfere in all areas of financial, economic and economic activity.

Many of the problems raised, as the Polish researchers themselves admit, need further study. In general, the issues of economic development of interwar Poland are considered on the pages of the magazine in quite detail and in detail.

It seems to us that the picture of social and political development of the country in these years is somewhat weaker. There are still few publications in the journal that analyze the strategy of the main political parties and camps, reveal the specifics of Polish parliamentary-republican institutions, find out the genesis of the decline of Polish parliamentarism, and the reasons for the weakness of the democratic left. The ideological features and character of the rehabilitation regime and the directions of its evolution, as well as the sources that fed it, need further study.

To a certain extent, this gap is filled by L. Hass's article " At the social origins of the May Revolution "(1-970, N 2), which examines the ideological and political evolution of intellectual and radical circles, and explains the reasons for their support for the May (1926) coup committed by Pilsudski. Extensive factual material gives the author the opportunity to trace the political credo and tactical attitudes of various groups of intellectuals from the very beginning of the existence of the independent Polish state. The political liberalism that these groups espoused, and the abundance of bourgeois-radical programs designed to smooth out social conflicts, were due, as Hass rightly pointed out, to the fact that the old balance of power disappeared irrevocably after October 1917. The working class entered the arena of political life and actively asserted itself, and peasant movements intensified. In these circumstances, all liberal and radical in-

4 See Z. Landau. Wpiyw kapitalow obcych na gospodarke Polski 1918 - 1939 (uwagi ogolne). "Finanse", 1965, N 1.

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The intelligentsia groups found it necessary to unite, and the most ardent supporters of consolidation were the intelligentsia groups influenced by the Pilsudciks. Representatives of these groups, at the time of the decline of the revolutionary wave in Europe, considered themselves representatives of the highest state interests, standing above the interests of individual classes.

The results of the first elections to the Sejm showed, however, that belonging to the intelligentsia was no longer a privilege that provides an advantage in elections. The candidates of the intelligentsia groups suffered a crushing defeat in these elections. Since then, anti-democratic and anti-parliamentary sentiments have emerged and then intensified among the intelligentsia. The line between the numerous circles of the intelligentsia and the Pilsudici, who held anti-parliamentary positions and were encouraged by the success of the Italian fascists, became less and less distinguishable. The author traces the active cooperation of liberal-radical intelligentsia groups and the Pilsuddiks from 1923 to the coup d'etat of 1926. The process of ideological capitulation and moral disarmament of the intelligentsia, as Hass rightly believes, was due to the strongest influence of bourgeois ideology on it. To a lesser extent, the article analyzes the historical, sociological, philosophical and psychological reasons that gave rise to the movement of intellectual groups to the right.

S. Eisner devoted his article "Pilsudczykowski Trade Unions" (1971, No. 3) to revealing the social base of the Pilsudski regime. He examines the reasons why before the May coup and for a long time after it, the Pilsudczyk camp enjoyed the support of some large workers ' organizations. He finds an explanation for this in the unfinished process of forming the Polish working class, in its organizational disunity even after the revival of national statehood. In addition, the long-standing misconception about the progressive significance of the May revolution among the workers, combined with the relatively favorable economic situation (1926-1929), increased the popularity of the slogans of rehabilitation among the proletariat. This, in turn, played into the hands of the reformist propaganda of the Pilsudcik trade unions, which declared the slogan of fighting partisanship and proclaimed professional organizations as the only means of transforming society. The Pilsudcik trade unions, the author writes, were in favor of reforms that were supposed to strengthen the rehabilitation regime. In return, they "expected modest social and economic concessions" (p. 573). Despite the fact that the four major trade unions were under the ideological influence of the Pilsudchiks, Eisner still does not classify them as right-wing organizations. He also sees some progressive aspects in their activities. Unfortunately, in the rest of the presentation, this thesis is not specified and is not supported by a sufficiently strong argumentation.

R. Wapinski's article "National Democracy and the National Question in 1893 - 1939" provides an analysis of the ideological and political concepts of one of the leading and largest parties of the Polish bourgeoisie, a constant and strong rival of the Pilsudskis in the struggle for power. From the History of Nationalist Tendencies "(1973, No. 4). It is interesting not so much for the novelty of the material as for the attempt to trace the evolution of the views of the Endeks in close connection with the specifics and peculiarities of the historical development of Poland. Speaking about the genesis of this nationalist party, the author highlights three important circumstances of its appearance. He draws attention, first, to the intense competition experienced by Polish capital on the part of the Russian, German, and Jewish bourgeoisie; second, to the intensive development of the socialist movement, which gave the national bourgeoisie a sense of weakness in their positions; and, finally, and third, to the growing tendencies of Germanization at the beginning of the twentieth century. and the Russification of Poland, which encouraged the Polish bourgeoisie to strive to unite its own forces.

Wagagajski considers the book "Thoughts of a Modern Pole" (1903), which became the catechism of the Polish nationalist movement, to be the document that finally formulated the main provisions of the nationalist doctrine. The social character of Endek's ideology was most fully manifested in 1904-1908. Thanks to the skillful and differentiated propaganda of endeka izpolzov"

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They had a significant influence in the circles of artisans, workers and peasants. This party also held a strong position among the ruling classes. In the early years of the twentieth century, the Endeks formulated as their main political goal the achievement of broad autonomy for the Kingdom of Poland, which, in fact, meant a compromise with tsarism. In this, as R. Wapinski rightly believes, the reactionary nature of the Endeks, their militant anti-socialism, and fear of the impending revolution were concretely manifested. "We must also not forget that the ruling classes, whose interests were increasingly clearly expressed by Endecia, were more attracted to legal forms of struggle, because they did not threaten the economic union of the Polish bourgeoisie and Russian capital" (p.830). Wapinski believes that Dmowski could not fully define his attitude either to Russia or to the" eastern suburbs " (the eastern outskirts of Szlachta Poland). The Endeks ' ardent nationalism and their ultimate, far-reaching goals prevented this.

World War II and the subsequent period of the formation of an independent Polish state forced the leadership of the Endek camp to deal more intensively with the problems of current politics. In 1922 - 1939, the researcher notes, the greatest influence on the development of nationalist concepts was exerted by internal contradictions and organic weaknesses of the Polish state, primarily the complex national question 5 and the weak position of Poland in the post-war world. A significant role in the development of Endek's doctrines was played by the nationalist circles of university youth, which were especially strengthened after the May 1926 coup. After harshly criticizing the older generation of Endeks, accusing them of philistinism, phraseology, helplessness and commitment to parliamentarism, they formulated a new program containing the idea of a strong government and the creation of a powerful national capital. The international aspect of this program included the strengthening of Polish positions in Central Europe, the incorporation of Gdansk into Poland, and the elimination of Lithuania as an independent state. In addition, they believed that the role of the Catholic Church should be more active and significant in promoting nationalist slogans. Special attention, according to Valinsky, should be paid to the study of the national question in the program requirements of young Endeks, who tried to interpret the Lithuanian, Russian and Belarusian populations of Poland as a single Polish people united by a spiritual community and a historical past. In the 1930s, the reactionary features of Endek's ideology took on extreme forms. The party used the atmosphere of economic crisis and the rise of the revolutionary movement to strengthen its influence on the petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry with the help of terry-cloth nationalist slogans. The main goal of the Endeks was to achieve political power.

Comparative historical studies, Wapinski concludes, make it possible to say that nationalist ideology in the Endeks ' interpretation resembles to a greater extent Carlism in Spain and Glinkovism in Czechoslovakia. It is less similar to German national Socialism and Italian fascism, despite the fact that the Endeks themselves considered the ideology of both close and related to their views. In his argument, Wapinski points out the long-term evolution of Endek ideology from moderate to extreme forms and the strengthening of the link between nationalist mysticism and Catholicism, which is equally characteristic of Endeks, Carlists and Glinkovites. It seems, however, that the author's conclusions should have been supported by a more thorough and comprehensive analysis of the problem, especially in the part where it concerns the comparison of Endek's doctrines with the ideological attitudes of fascism.

From time to time, the magazine addresses questions about the history and ideology of fascism. Historiographical essay by F. Ryshka " Public and power under fascism. On the question of the history of Hitlerism in the light of new research "(1970, N° 3) is a detailed analysis of the works of West German and American bourgeois authors who mainly studied the genesis of fascism, the processes of formation and strengthening of Hitler's power, the mass base of fascism and its relationship with the world.

5 Approximately 40% of the country's population was non-Polish.

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traditional elite, some of the most significant features of the ideology and practice of fascism. The author's attention is drawn to the tendency of a number of bourgeois scientists to use sociological and psychological analysis as a research tool. At the same time, I would like the author to show more clearly to what extent such studies deepen and expand the position of fascism, and to what extent they distort its true essence. This is all the more important because the purpose of the essay, according to Ryshka, is to clarify existing assessments of fascism and focus on problems that have not yet been investigated.

The second article of the same author - "Authoritarianism and fascism "(1972, N 2) - is devoted to the analysis of the most characteristic features of the "rehabilitation" regime. It must be said that this issue is the subject of quite sharp disputes and discussions in Polish historical science, which do not subside to this day6 . Many Polish historians, sociologists, and lawyers recognize the existence of fascist tendencies in interwar Poland .7 At the same time, some of them believe that at that time in Europe and, in particular, in Poland, there were authoritarian regimes other than fascism. The main idea of the article boils down to the fact that totalitarianism, which distinguishes fascist regimes from all other models of dictatorial power, was peculiar only to Mussolini's Italy and Hitler's Germany. Thus, the author makes it clear that the idea of rehabilitation as a Polish version of fascism is very outdated.

Another, almost undeveloped aspect of the history of fascism is explored by E. Boreisha in the article "Italy and the manifestation of fascist tendencies in the Baltic countries (1922-1940) "(1974, N 1). Making extensive use of Italian sources, the author elucidates in detail the nature of Italy's relations with Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia and Finland, focusing on the ideological influence the influence of Italian fascism on the establishment of dictatorial regimes in these countries. The analysis of a large and diverse body of factual material allows him to determine quite precisely the genetic links that existed between Italian fascism and dictatorial regimes in the Baltic States. The author points out the reasons that led to the spread of the Italian, rather than the German, model of fascism in the countries of this region. E. Boreisha does not identify Italian fascism with the military-police dictatorship that has developed in the Baltic countries. On the contrary, he notes very noticeable differences that occurred between them. However, the desire of the Baltic dictatorial regimes to assimilate the features of fascist ideology, attempts to transfer the ideas of the corporate state to their own soil, as well as militant anti-communism, as emphasized in the article, determined the proximity of Italian fascism and the methods of bourgeois rule in the countries of this region.

The content of the journal indicates a serious interest of Polish historians in the problems of methodology. In this regard, the article E attracts attention. Topolsky " Modern methodological problems of historical sciences "(1974, N 3). Having subjected the psychoanalytic and structuralist exercises of bourgeois historians to a deep and sharp criticism, the author notes that their theories did not have any noticeable impact on Polish historiography due to the fact that it is firmly based on the Marxist theoretical base. Topolsky advocates a comprehensive study of the history of public life, the creation of models and the use of quantitative methods for studying the historical process. In this regard, he raises the question of expanding and updating the source base by attracting new categories of sources related to historical demography and allowing us to consider various social groups in their development. The author advocates closer contacts of history with sociology and social psychology.

In the article "Economic development and formation of the nation "(1975, No. 3) Topolsky reveals the mechanism of action of various elements that form a nation, and above all the economic factor. At the same time, it is emphasized that the impact of-

6 See, for example, information about the Soviet-Polish symposium on the problem of "European fascism": "Soviet Slavic Studies", 1976, N 4.

7 See A. Kaminski. Faszyzm. Warszawa. 1972.

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these factors may vary significantly depending on the specific features of the existence of a particular State. The conclusions of the article are as follows: 1. A nation is a certain structure that develops dynamically. 2. The economic factor (economic development) is necessary for the development of a nation to the extent that it is necessary for the emergence of a modern society and state; however, this factor is not a sufficient condition for the emergence of a nation. In various situations, other factors may come to the fore as the main ones, although in principle the economic factor still plays a decisive role in the formation of a nation. 4. The economic factor never manifests itself directly. It finds its expression in the conscious activity of people. Economic processes are the result of this activity. 5. The formation of a nation, as well as economic processes, can be both spontaneous and consciously directed.

Another article by Topolskoto, " Revolution in Modern and Contemporary History (XVII-XX centuries) "(1976, N 2), is largely in tune with the work of the Soviet researcher M. A. Barg, devoted to similar problems8 . "Revolutions are the highest manifestation of the historical activity of society," the author writes (p.263). He pays great attention to their driving forces, the role of the masses, analyzes in detail the interests of various social groups in a particular revolution; reveals the role and enduring significance of revolutions in the world historical process.

Thus, the view of history as a weapon of ideological struggle, an effective means of revolutionary renewal of the world, so convincingly expressed in the speeches of leading Polish historians at the II Congress of Polish Science (1973, N 2), is widely implemented in the materials published on the pages of the magazine "Kwartalnik historyczny". A distinctive feature of all publications is a wide source base and a high scientific level. At the same time, despite its purely academic nature, the journal is addressed not only to professional historians, but also to the general reader. The editorial staff is constantly interested in new, not yet researched stories, looking for original and fresh forms of material presentation. Articles and reviews devoted to various problems of the history of the last 100 years occupy a relatively large place in the journal, which also indicates the growing importance of research on modern and contemporary history in modern Polish historiography.

8 M. A. Barg. Comparative historical study of the bourgeois revolutions of the XVI-XVIII centuries. Voprosy Istorii, 1975, No. 9,

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