The article shows a unique place of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland in comparison with other Communist countries of Central-Eastern Europe. During the Second World War, the Catholic Church suffered major personal, material and organisational losses. After the war, the Polish United Workers' Party conducted an anti-Church and anti-religious policy. Repressions, discrimination, and even murders of priests had been common. However, the communists did not succeed in the secularisation of the country, and the church retained moral authority. Although the teaching of religion in public schools were banned, the religious education was relocated to parishes. The private Catholic University of Lublin also continued its activities. The Catholic press was published despite censorship. The creation of "Solidarity" movement was followed in the 1980s by a boom in church construction. Independent oppositional subculture emerged within the Clubs of Catholic Intellectuals. The development of mass pilgrimages was breaking records at the end of the communist rule. This growing authority was partly due to efforts of cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, the Primate of Poland, and cardinal Karol Wojtyła, the Pope John Paul II. In the critical moment of
R. Gryz Roman Catholic Church in the Polish People's Republic (1944/45-1989): forms of coexistence with the Regime and the role of ideological opposition // State, Religion, Church in Russia and abroad. 2016. N 3. pp. 11-43.
Gryz, Ryszard (2016) "Catholic Church in the People's Republic of Poland (1944/45-1989): Forms of Co-Existence with the Regime and the Role of Ideological Opposition", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 34(3): 11-43.
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change in 1989 the Church served as a mediator and the guarantor of political agreements.
Keywords: People's Republic of Poland, John Paul II, Catholic Church, anti-religious policy, secularisation.
The Polish Church came out of the war with heavy losses - both among the clergy, and in material and organizational terms. Nearly two thousand priests and six bishops were killed. In some dioceses, losses exceeded 40% of the clergy. About a thousand temples were burned and destroyed. In Warsaw, barely nine out of sixty-five churches survived the suppression of the uprising.1 The Holocaust, border changes, and mass migrations have unified the national and confessional image of society. The share of Catholics increased from 65% to more than 90%. At the same time, the authority of the Church has increased and anti-clerical tendencies have significantly weakened.2
The purpose of the article is to present the phenomenon of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland under the hegemony from 1944/45 to 1989 of the Polish Workers 'Party (PPR) and (since 1948) of the Polish United Workers' Party (POR). (The time frame was extended, since the system of "people's democracy", officially approved in the 1952 Constitution, was actually implemented from 1944) The Communists constantly pursued anti-church and anti-religious policies. It included activities aimed at the disintegration of the church community. Hierarchs of the Church, diocesan clergy and monks belonging to various orders, as well as lay Catholics, were subjected to repression, harassment and discrimination. Priests were killed for political reasons. The cause of secularization and atheization of society was to be served by the dissolution of Catholic associations, the cessation of religious teaching in public schools, and the blocking of initiatives for the construction of buildings.
1. Gumbrycht, D. (1991) "Obiekty sakralne", w L. Adamczuk, W. Zdaniewicz (red.) Kościół katolicki w Polsce 1918-1990. Rocznik statystyczny, ss. 202-203. Warszawa; Marzyński, S. (1977) "Kościoły warszawskie w ruinie i odbudowie 1939-1945, Warszawa, marzec 1946", w J. Górski (red.) Odbudowa Warszawy w latach 1944-1949. Wybór dokumentów i materiałów, t. 1, s. 513. Warszawa.
2. Dudek, A., Gryz, R. (2006) Komuniści i Kościół w Polsce (1945-1989), ss. 9-10. Kraków.
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religious services, slowing down the pilgrimage movement, reducing the number of priests and monks.
Ideological phone number states and anti-church service politics
In post-war Poland, a central and local government apparatus was established, specializing in policies regarding churches and religious associations. Its structures were widely branched in both vertical and horizontal directions. A characteristic feature was the presence of a close connection between the cells of the party (PPR/PORP) and state authorities, including special services. Thus, we can talk about the party-state ideological apparatus. The decision-making center was located in the party vertical, and the primary role was played by the Commission or Department for Clergy Affairs under the Administrative Department of the Central Committee of the PORP (since 1971-the Department for Religious Policy). The Office for Religious Affairs (UDV), founded in 1950, was responsible for coordinating the management of religious policy and worked closely with the State security agencies. They, in turn, carried out the instructions of the party leadership. Competences related to the fight against religion and churches remained under the jurisdiction of departments, among which the V Department and the XI Department of the Ministry of Public Security (1945-1954), and then the IV Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (1962-1989) were particularly famous. We will mention only the number of employees employed in the structural divisions of the four voivodeship commandant's offices of the civil police: from the mid-1970s to 1981, their number increased from 887 to 24603.
Personnel policy was one of the priorities of the religious policy. Victory over the priesthood was made dependent on the development of agents. Guidelines in this area were announced in 1947 by Colonel Yulia Brystigerova, Director of the already mentioned V Department of the Ministry of Defense, in her famous report " On-
3. Dominiczak, H. (2000) Organy bezpieczeństwa PRL w walce z Kościołem katolickim 1944-1990. W świetle dokumentów MSW. Warszawa; Dziurok, A. (2004) "Wstęp", w A. Dziurok (red.) Metody pracy operacyjnej aparatu bezpieczeństwa wobec Kościołów i związków wyznaniowych 1945-1989, ss. 18-31. Warszawa; Gryz, R. (2004) "Władze partyjno-państwowe w walce z duchowieństwem (1945-1956)", w J. Myszor, A. Dziurok (red.) Represje wobec duchowieństwa Kościołów chrześcijańskich w okresie stalinowskim w krajach byłego bloku wschodniego, ss. 108-133. Katowice.
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the level of the clergy and our tasks". These principles 4 remained in effect until the end of the NDP's existence. At the 106th Plenary Conference of the Episcopate of Poland in January 1968, priests were required to submit to their episcopal curia detailed reports on contacts with security and police officials. Many years before, some priests who cooperated with the state security agencies, without formal instructions from the bishops, reported such facts to their hierarchs. However, we are not able to accurately determine the extent of the secret cooperation between priests and initiates (konsekrowanych)5, nor are we able to clearly distinguish the motivations in this heterogeneous group. They helped monitor the work of the Vatican, episcopal curia, theological seminaries, and individual deaneries and parishes.6 According to Jan Zharyn's calculations, it turns out that in 1977 the IV Department recruited 2,760 secret employees among the clergy and monastics, mostly in rural areas. This accounted for 15% of priests. In some voivodeships, the Security Service could boast of cooperating with one in four priests. Two features still characterized the work of agents: an individual approach (some informants did not realize that they were classified as sexpots or used for operational contacts) and an uneven presence in different regions of the country. However, the numbers were growing systematically. The apogee of the introduction of agents into the church environment was reached in the first half of the eighties 7. Thanks to the operational accounting folders for information on the priest, the Security Service had several times more knowledge about this environment than about any other. During the collapse of the communist system by-
4. Operational development of priests working with the underground, local church authorities, monks and school supervisors; isolation of the clergy from the working class and youth organizations; recruitment of agents among beggars, pilgrims and traveling merchants; prevention of the expansion of the Catholic press; careful approach to repression, coordination of each arrest of a cleric or other repressive measure with the leadership MOBILE PHONE NUMBER - note.
5. Initiates are secular people who have taken a vow (or several) and live according to the precepts of the church. - note.
6. "Memoriał Episkopatu Polski w sprawie współpracy niektórych duchownych z organami bezpieczeństwa w Polsce w latach 1944-1989" (2006), L'osservatore Romano (wydanie polskie), R. XXVII 9-10(286): 57.
7. Żaryn, J. (2005) "Stosunki Państwo-Kościół w czasach posługiwania biskupiego Jana Jaroszewicza (1963-1980)", Kieleckie Studia Teologiczne IV: 275-276.
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honor all personal folders were destroyed or deleted from the archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Poland 8.
In 1949, a pro-government movement of priests - "patriots" was founded, which was revived ten years later by priests who collaborated with the charity organization "Caritas", which was taken away from the church. It was attended by about 10% of the clergy, and it was not a unique phenomenon on the scale of the Eastern Bloc countries.9
One of the methods of creating agents among the clergy was to search for so-called compromising materials. Especially suitable were those that concerned intimate contacts with women. The operational game carried out in this direction was even carried out against Metropolitan Karol Wojtyla of Krakow and Primate Stefan Wyszynski. These attempts failed. Fr Jozef Glemp, who has been the Primate of Poland since 1981, was also invited to cooperate.10 The greatest political and moral pressure was exerted on Bishop Czeslaw Kaczmarek of Kielec.11 He was accused of collaboration-collaboration with the Germans, spying for the United States and the Vatican. The bishop, who was sentenced to 12 years in prison, was not convicted by Primate Vyshinsky, for which he was arrested and held in custody from September 1953 to October 1956.
8. Grajewski, A. (1999) Kompleks Judasza. Kościół zraniony. Chrześcijanie w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej między oporem a kolaboracją, ss. 196-201. Poznań; Peterman, R. (2006) "Proces brakowania i niszczenia akt organów bezpieczeństwa państwa w latach 1954-1990 na przykładzie województwa łódzkiego", w F. Musiał (red.) Wokół teczek bezpieki - zagadnienia metodologiczno-źródłoznawcze, ss. 383-386. Kraków.
9. Dudek, A. (2005) Ślady PeeReLu. Ludzie, wydarzenia, mechanizmy, ss. 242-248. Kraków; Olszar, H. (2013) Duchowieństwo "postępowe" w państwie totalitarnym na przykładzie Wojewódzkiego Koła Księży "Caritas" w Katowicach. Katowice; Żurek, J. (2009) Ruch "księży patriotów" w województwie katowickim w latach 1949-1956. Warszawa-Katowice.
10. Żaryn, J. (2015) "W starciu z komunizmem. Józef Glemp - ostatni z Prymasów XX wieku. Wybrane kartki z biografii", w R. Łatka, B. Szlachta (red.) Polskie wizje i oceny komunizmu po 1939 roku, ss. 419-422. Kraków. Sources-documentation on the case of Cardinal Wyszynski, see Szczypta-Szczęch, R. (2014) " Działania operacyjne UB-SB przeciwko kard. Stefanowi Wyszyńskiemu", w J. Marecki, F. Musiał (red.) Niezłomni w służbie Boga i Polski. Komunistyczna bezpieka wobec kardynała Stefan Wyszyńskiego, ss. 29-41, 514-618, 666-667. Kraków.
11. Gryz, R. (2000) "Political Repression of the Catholic Episcopate during the Period of Stalinism in Poland", Modern Times 1: 99-125; Gryz, R. (2005) "Biskup kielecki Czesław Kaczmarek w starciu z komunistycznym totalitaryzmem (1945-1963)", Kieleckie Studia Teologiczne 4: 199-226; Śledzianowski, J. (2008) Ksiądz Czesław Kaczmarek. Biskup kielecki 1895-1963. Kielce.
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Clerics who were considered the most hostile to the state system were directly persecuted. At the end of the war, Communist propaganda attacked priests, former chaplains of the Home Army and other wartime armed groups. They were associated with the post-war armed underground, which advocated independence. Several dozen of them were killed during the Stalinist period.
This kind of persecution went back to the years of General Jaruzelski's rule, 12 when priests involved in public and opposition activities were stigmatized. In particular, clerics associated with the outlawed Solidarity movement were repressed. After martial law, several priests died. The most notorious case was the abduction and brutal murder of Solidarity chaplain Fr. Jerzy Popieluszko by employees of the IV Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in October 1984. In the following years, "unknown persons" killed a number of other clergymen. In 1989, priests Stefan Nedzeliak, Stanislaw Sukhovolec and Sylvester Zych, who made public the memory of the shooting of Polish soldiers in the Katyn forest and the martyrdom of Fr. Jerzy Popieluszko. In the incomplete list of those killed within the borders of modern Poland, there are 187 names of clergy 13.
The election of John Paul II as Pope of Rome crossed out the plans of the authorities of the NDP to continue playing the game in the triangle: Vatican - episcopate - government. After the conclave of October 16, 1978, Kazimierz Konkol, head of the Religious Affairs Department, was forced to say to Stanislav Kane, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Poland, who was responsible for the fight against the Church: "We can let the Church go. Our influence on its politics has ended. " 14
12. 1981-1989 - note.
13. Myszor, J. (red.) (2002) Leksykon duchowieństwa represjonowanego w PRL w latach 1945-1989. Pomordowani - więzieni - wygnani, t. I. Warszawa; Myszor, J. (red.) (2003) Leksykon duchowieństwa represjonowanego w PRL w latach 1945-1989. Pomordowani - więzieni - wygnani t. II. Warszawa; Myszor, J. (red.) (2006) Leksykon duchowieństwa represjonowanego w PRL w latach 1945-1989. Pomordowani - więzieni - wygnani, t. III. Warszawa; Łatka, R. (2016) Polityka władz PRL wobec Kościoła katolickiego w województwie krakowskim w latach 1980-1989, ss. 340-365. Kraków; Żurek, J. (2004) "W obliczu śmierci. Zabójstwa osób duchownych w powojennej Polsce (1944-1989)", w A. Grześkowiak (red.) Represje wobec osób duchownych i konsekrowanych w PRL w latach 1944-1989, ss. 263-324. Lublin.
14. Torańska, T. (2006) Byli, s. 113. Warszawa.
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Worse news for the ruling elite than the election of a native of a socialist country as pope could not have been imagined. Until then, such a possibility was simply not considered 15. However, when it became a reality, it was decided to put a good face on a bad game. Under the pressure of the enthusiasm of compatriots, the government of the People's Republic of Poland decided to make a gesture of politeness, not abandoning the perception of the Polish pope as the main opponent of the communist system. Edward Gerek, responding to the news of the election of Metropolitan of Krakow to the papacy, received from Stanislaw Kani, threw: "The Pole became the pope. This is a great event for the Polish people and a great complication for us." It was a small consolation to accept the thesis of Stanislaw Kani, put forward at the national meeting of the Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in February 1979: "Karol Wojtyla would be more dangerous for the authorities as the primate of Poland than as the Pope of Rome"16. In fact, the situation turned out to be more complex17, as was shown on May 13, 1981, when an unsuccessful attempt on the life of John Paul II was made18.
Religion in the system educational institutions: government agencies school and Lublin Region catholic university
One of the most important issues in relations between the state and the church in "people's" Poland, confirming the Polish phenomenon, is the issue of religious education of children and youth. In one of the many documents of teachers of the Law of God in schools, which described the state of religious consciousness of young people in the 1945/46 academic year, it was stated: "In 99 percent of cases, young people are religious, they take their attitude to religion and the Church very seriously. Interested in the subject [catechism] and drawn to religious life. Condemns
15. W cieniu Prymasa Tysiąclecia. Z profesorem Romualdem Kukołowiczem rozmawia Piotr Bączek (2001), s. 132. Warszawa.
16. Процитировано по: Zieliński, Z. (2003) Kościół w Polsce 1944-2002, s. 269. Radom.
17. The party underestimated role Pope in shaking political system in Poland and other countries behind the Iron Curtain.
18. Skwara, M., Grajewski, A. (2015) Agca nie był sam. Wokół udziału komunistycznych służb specjalnych w zamachu na Jana Pawła II. Katowice.
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non-religious element... as an anti-social element, this element can be found in only one percent of gymnasium students. " 19
Therefore, it is not surprising that secular authorities were interested in eliminating religion in public schools and closing private Catholic schools. During the period of reconstruction of the education system, first of all, the legislative framework was changed in order to develop a new ideological image of education. Since the beginning of the 1945/46 school year, parents and students have been granted the right to exemption from religious lessons, for which the pre-war legislation in this area was changed. Religion ceased to be a subject for examination in pedagogical lyceums, and then its teaching was reduced to one hour a week. Up to and including 1947/48, religion classes were available in all schools. On average, in some educational institutions, they were not attended by several students. Preparations for educational reforms took place in 1948-1950. According to the instructions of the Ministry of Education, since May 1948, a part of private general education schools was liquidated (20 out of 52, including 9 monastic schools out of 32 existing ones). In the remaining institutions of this type, circles of the Union of Polish Youth were created.20 As part of the" ideological offensive " in schools, the composition of parent committees has changed. The number of schools without religion and wall crosses under the patronage of the Society of Friends of Children has been increased. The tenth point of the so-called agreement of April 14, 1950, which confirmed the rights of the church to religious education in Poland, did not change this direction either. The Office of Religious Affairs established at that time dismissed more than six hundred priests and teachers of the law from schools for refusing to sign the Stockholm Proclamation 21. Termination of teaching-
19. Процитировано по: Kaliski, B. (2008) "Walka władz o pełną laicyzację szkolnictwa na przykładzie szkół archidiecezji gnieźnieńskiej", w K. Białecki (red.) Władze wobec Kościołów i związków wyznaniowych w Wielkopolsce w latach 1945-1956, s. 33. Poznań.
20. The local equivalent of the Komsomol. - note.
21. Stockholm Proclamation-an appeal of the Standing Committee of the World Peace Congress: a demand to ban nuclear weapons, establish strict international control over the implementation of this decision, and declare a war criminal the government that is the first to use atomic weapons against any country. Adopted at the session of the Standing Committee held in Stockholm on 15-19 March 1950. The appeal was supported by many international democratic organizations. - Note. perev.
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The study of religion sometimes met with individual or collective resistance among the local population. The Church began to organize out-of-school religious study points in catechetical halls and churches. At the beginning of the 1955/56 school year, religion was not taught in more than 80% of primary and 90% of secondary schools. However, the NDP authorities did not have enough time to achieve full success 22.
Under the conditions of the post-Stalinist political "thaw", ferment in Polish society was growing. Political changes following the eighth Plenum of the PORP Central Committee in 1956,23 and public pressure created conditions for the return of religion to all Polish schools. By order of the Minister of Education of December 8, 1956, religious lessons were introduced as an optional subject. It was a great success for the church. The results of the 1956/57 academic year showed that there were only a few dozen schools without religion across the country, against almost 26 thousand, where about 14 thousand religious teachers were employed.
Soon, the authorities again tried to influence this situation, for example, through the activities of the Secular School Society 24. Since 1958, monks have been banned from working in schools: more than 2,000 nuns and priests have been suspended from teaching the Law of God. Religious instruction was reduced to one hour a week after compulsory lessons, and the "decoration" of classrooms with "religious symbols"was deemed undesirable. The "war for crosses" began in schools. By September 1959, religious instruction was again removed from almost all vocational schools, from 2,500 urban primary schools (70%), and from 10,000 rural schools. At the beginning of the 1960/61 academic year, 73% of schools were without religion. In this situation, the School Commission of the Episcopate of Poland prepared the translation of catechism from schools to churches. The Law of July 15, 1961 on the development of the system of education and upbringing put an end to it, according to which schools and other educational institutions were declared secular institutions. Orders came out soon after
22. Gryz, R. (1999) Państwo a Kościół w Polsce 1945-1956 na przykładzie województwa kieleckiego, s. 279-301, 349-364, 381-382. Kraków.
23. The plenum was held in October 1956 and returned to the post of party leader Vladislav Gomulka, who was suspended in 1948 for "right-wing nationalist bias "(editor's
24. A public organization that existed in 1957-1969. The main goal was to promote secular education. - note.
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the Minister of Education that catechesis points are managed and registered by a priest who is paid from the central budget. Hanna Konopka compared the pace of removing religion from schools in Poland with the situation in other countries dependent on the USSR. She drew attention to the church authorities ' particularly persistent desire to preserve religious studies in schools, or at least slow down the pace of their exclusion from the school curriculum.25
In the period from 1961 to 1989, religious instruction for children and young people was conducted in church catechesis centers. They are located in churches and parish buildings. At first, the educational conditions were very poor, especially in rural parishes. The construction of new catechism halls was carried out for many years, as it was associated with numerous difficulties in administrative, construction and political plans. By 1963, 90% of the 15,000 active catechesis centers were registered, and teachers of the law working in them could receive a salary. These places, however, were controlled by the educational authorities. However, the conflict with them did not affect the growth of the number of places where religion was taught to children and young people. In 1972, the Church had 19.6 thousand inhabitants. such points, and more than 16.8 thousand people were trained in them. teachers of the law (priests - 70%, nuns-almost 17% and lay people-13 %). In 1987, there were 22.2 thousand catechesis points, and more than 17 thousand teachers of the law. Religion returned to public schools in 199026.
In the countries controlled by the USSR, there were no Catholic universities. The only exception was the Catholic University of Lublin (LKU) in Poland. The Communists discussed the reopening of this pre-war educational institution with church representatives shortly after the formation of the Polish Committee for National Liberation in Moscow and its deployment in Lublin. At the end of the first stage of negotiations, it became clear that there was pressure from the authorities to open the LKU as soon as possible to accept students and start a new academic year. Fr. Antony Slomkovsky, who had been acting as the rector of this university since August 2, 1944, was tormented by doubts whether the new government had not used him to win
25. Konopka, H. (1997) Religia w szkołach Polski Ludowej. Sprawa nauczania religii w polityce państwa (1944-1961). Białystok.
26. Adamczuk, L. (2000) "Nauczanie religii w Polsce 1945-1999", w W. Zdaniewicz, T. Zembrzuski (red.) Kościół i religijność Polaków 1945-1999, ss. 241-245. Warszawa.
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people's support 27. This tactic followed from the pragmatic policy of the PPR authorities and was not a betrayal of the Marxist cause. Until the rigged elections in January 1947, this party played a game in the confessional area, which consisted in a propaganda demonstration of the "throne and altar" union. Programmatic anti-clericalism was muted, and the allied Polish Socialist Party was allowed to follow its ideology.28 In this connection, the LKU was agreed to reopen (the grand opening took place on November 12, 1944), and at the same time a competing university was established - the Marie Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin (which still exists today).29. In the beginning, Catholic University of Lublin had about 70 employees - scientific and pedagogical staff, who trained more than 30 thousand students.
The history of the Catholic University of Lublin in Poland in the period 1944/45-1989 was very complex. The university was repeatedly threatened with nationalization or liquidation, as its main goal was to train secular Catholic intellectuals, who were completely destroyed by the authorities of the German Third Reich and the USSR who occupied Poland. The Scientific Society of LKU resumed its work and the Institute of Higher Religious Culture was established. Back in 1945, the Diocesan Theological Seminary in Lublin was affiliated with the Faculty of Theology of LKU. The following year, he graduated from the Faculty of Christian Philosophy. The number of students grew, and if in 1946 there were more than 1,600 of them,in 1951 the university had more than 3 thousand students and 150 teachers. Pe was very difficult for LKU-
27. Żaryn, J. (2016) "Początek drogi - główne aspekty polityki wyznaniowej władz Polski Ludowej w pierwszych latach po wojnie", w M. Siedziako, Z. Stanuch, G. Wejman (red.) Dzieje Kościoła katolickiego na Pomorzu Zachodnim, t. I: 1945-1956, s. 27. Szczecin. [in print].
28. Żaryn, J. (1997) Kościół a władza w Polsce (1945-1950), s. 63. Warszawa.
29. Gałaszewska-Chilczuk, D. (2010) "Czy komuniści zdobyli KUL ? Działania aparatu władzy wobec środowiska naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego w latach 1944-1956", w R. Habielski, D. Rafalska (red.) Aparat represji wobec inteligencji w latach 1945-1956, s. 80-83. Warszawa.
30. Ziółek, J. (1994) "Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski w latach 1944-1992", w M. Rusecki (red.) Księga pamiątkowa w 75-lecie Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego. Wkład w kulturę polską w latach 1968-1993, s. 35. Lublin. The values given here do not correspond to other statistical data. Cf.: Jaroń, J. (1991)" Seminaria i katolickie szkolnictwo", w. L. Adamczuk, W. Zdaniewicz (red.) Kościół katolicki w Polsce 1918-1990. Rocznik statystyczny, s. 248. Warszawa.
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riod 1948-1966 The last time the state budget provided minimal financial support to the university was in 1950. The authorities of the People's Republic of Poland closed the Faculty of Law and Socio-Economic Sciences, which resumed its work only during the times of Solidarity. The Faculty of Humanities was deprived of the right to train candidates and doctors of Sciences. At that time, there were relatively good conditions for the development of theological faculties (theology, philosophy).
In personnel policy, the most significant blow was the arrest of the rector, Fr. Antony Slomkovsky, on April 1, 1952, on charges of illegally raising funds for the university. The real reason was the rector's protest against the attempt to liquidate LKU, which was made by activists of pro-communist youth and student organizations. The rector was sentenced to three years in prison, and he was released at the end of November 1954. In 1957, he returned to the university as a teacher, but was dismissed four years later.
At the "first stage of the conquest" of LKU, large-scale surveillance of the university was used. The so-called unreliable element was covered by State security control. Within the framework of accounting cases, individuals and the university as a whole were subjected to operational actions directed against a group of professors who were recognized as enemies of the socio-political system and allegedly carried out anti-state activities. More than a dozen scientists were arrested. Professor Ignacy Chuma was sentenced to ten years in prison in 1950 (released in 1953). A new rector loyal to the authorities of the NDP was elected - Fr. Iosif Ivanitsky, the state security agencies managed to turn the entire team against each other in a hostile way 31.
Stabilization in the organizational structure of LKU occurred in the mid-1960s. Up to this time, very low prices were applied
31. Ziółek, J. "Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski w latach 1944-1992", ss. 37-44; Mariański, J."Wydział Nauk Społecznych", s. 329; Piotrowski, M. (2002) "Słomkowski Antoni (1900-1982), rektor KUL", w J. Myszor (red.) Leksykon duchowieństwa represjonowanego w PRL w latach 1945-1989. Pomordowani - więzieni - wygnani, t. I, s. 262. Warszawa; Gałaszewska-Chilczuk, D. (2010) "Czy komuniści zdobyli KUL? Działania aparatu władzy wobec środowiska naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego w latach 1944-1956", ss. 86-95. In 1954, the theological faculties of the Jagiellonian University in Krakow and the University of Warsaw were abolished. At that time, the State Academy of Catholic Theology was established in Warsaw. Since 1983, the Pontifical Theological Academy has existed in Krakow.
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limits on the admission of candidates and discrimination in the approval of academic titles and the issuance of foreign passports to scientists. Strict financial obligations were imposed on the university, and the amount of these obligations was many times higher than its budget. Therefore, it became bankrupt, which threatened its liquidation.32 However, on the example of the Faculty of Humanities of LKU-since 1973 - it is possible to trace its gradual development. The liquidation did not threaten its four departments (history, art history, Polish and Classical philology), and in addition, it was possible to revive the department of Romance philology. In 1982-1983, the Department of English Philology and the Department of German Philology were opened. During the last two decades of the NDP's existence, the university has doubled the number of departments and increased the number of employees involved in science or leading research teams (doctors of science, professors). This became the basis for the return in the 1980s of the right to confer the academic degrees of candidate and doctor of Sciences. If in the 1968/69 academic year there were 94 full - time students in the first year of the Faculty of Humanities, then in 1988/89-269 people. Graduates of the history and Philology majors were qualified as teachers. 33 In the 1983/84 academic year, LKU had more than 3.2 thousand students, and by the end of the decade - about 5 thousand.34 LKU survived and as a private university retained full academic rights. This was helped by the position of the professors of this educational institution abroad, where LKU was perceived as an oasis of free scientific thought in communist countries. Currently, the investigation of the penetration of state security agencies into the LKU continues 35.
Construction religious organizations structures
Another phenomenon that characterizes the position of the Roman Catholic Church in "people's" Poland concerns the scale of
32. Ziółek, J. "Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski w latach 1944-1992", ss. 45-48.
33. Stawecka, K. "Wydział Nauk Humanistycznych", ss. 287-289.
34. Jaroń, J. "Seminaria i katolickie szkolnictwo", s. 230.
35. Gałaszewska-Chilczuk, D. (2013) "Wrogie" uniwersytety: polityka państwa komunistycznego wobec Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego i Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej (1944-1969), Warszawa; Rosiak, D. (2014) Wielka odmowa. Agent, filozof, antykomunista. Wołowiec; Sobieraj, M. (2015) Między oporem a lojalnością. Działania SB wobec KUL na przykładzie rozpracowania prof. Jerzego Kłoczowskiego. Lublin.
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36. The policy of the party and state authorities in relation to the statements of clergy and laity about the need to build religious buildings has been constantly changing for forty-five years. We can say that in this area, in the period from 1945 to 1989, history came full circle. All possible options were used.
It can be summed up, with some simplification, that in the first period of the struggle for power, construction work at churches and chapels could take place quite spontaneously. The initial chaos of Poland being restored, together with the strengthening of Stalinist features, turned into an attempt to paralyze the construction of churches - the distribution of building materials was blocked. During the time of Vladislav Gomulka (1956-1970), the issuance of permits for the construction of religious objects was frozen. During the decade of Edvard Gerek's administration (1970-1980), the authorities focused on developing and applying highly sophisticated criteria for regulating building permits that were rational from the point of view of the "interests of the socialist state". After the election of John Paul II and the appearance of Solidarity, the authorities of the NDP decided on an unexpected maneuver: in order to save the political system, they gave up some of their prerogatives in the field of control. There is a construction boom in the construction of religious buildings, the scale of which confirms Poland's exceptional position in the socialist camp.
The process described above had its own dynamics and faced legal and administrative difficulties. Among the legislative decisions that were a political tool for restricting the construction of new churches, the most important was Circular No. 3 UDV of March 27, 1957. For a quarter of a century, the rules for the construction of places of worship and churches were tightened, as bureaucratic requirements were imposed, which consisted in the fact that the diocesan curia were required to submit annual proposals for construction. Requests from the ecclesiastical authorities were considered and invariably rejected, and the State Apparatus for Religious Affairs-
36. The author of this article studied the construction of buildings for worship in Poland in the framework of a research project in 2003-2006 (grant No. 2H01G06325 from the Committee for Scientific Research in Warsaw). Information on this issue is mainly drawn from the publication: Gryz, R. (2007) Pozwolić czy nie? Władze PRL wobec budownictwa katolickich obiektów sakralnych w latach 1971-1980. Kielce.
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In practice, religious beliefs were above the law, and the needs of believers were not taken into account.
The problems of temple construction include the restoration of church buildings after the war. In Poland, reconstruction of almost all churches was allowed, although some permits were issued only during the ten-year leadership of Edward Gerek. It should be remembered that in the post-war period, more than 300 Greek Catholic churches were destroyed on the basis of decisions of the authorities of the NDP. Thanks to the efforts of the church authorities, the same number of them were saved, and special merits in this area belong to Przemysl Bishop Ignacy Tokarczuk. Several hundred evangelical churches in western and northern Poland were destroyed, as well as several dozen Catholic churches that interfered with state construction. During the Stalinist period, a tendency was established to co-finance from the budget the restoration or restoration of individual churches that were of historical value. In the very difficult conditions of the first eight post-war years, however, about 300 churches were rebuilt and about 100 more were in the process of restoration. According to the UDV data, by 1953, about 150 places of worship had been built in Poland, and about 90 were under construction. This was several times lower than the actual needs, especially in new urban areas. Therefore, after Gomulka's return to the post of party leader in October 1956 and some liberalization of the regime, the party and state authorities were forced to issue more than 250 permits for the construction of churches and chapels in a few months.
In the circumstances of the active activity of the clergy in the first years of Primate S. Vyshinsky's "Great Novena of the Millennium" program, 37 it was decided to stop issuing permits and revoke those already issued. The discriminatory policy provoked protests in residential areas that were to become typically socialist: in Krasnik Fabrichny (1959) and Novaya Guta (1960). They were subdued with the help of special forces. Over the next few years, such dramatic events did not occur, and in some cases the authorities made concessions by issuing permits
37. Novena (devyatina) - a traditional Catholic prayer practice that consists of reciting certain prayers for nine consecutive days. The "Great Novena of the Millennium" was a series of events dedicated to the celebration of the 1000th anniversary of the baptism of Poland. - Note. perev.
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for construction purposes. The biggest victory of the church is obtaining a permit for the construction of a church in the New Huta - Bencice district.
When, in the year of the millennium of the baptism of Poland (1966), the tension between the state and the Church reached its climax, arguments concerning the essence of the issue were not taken into account. Believers living in rural areas had to travel more than a dozen kilometers in many regions of the country to get to the temple. In turn, in densely populated cities in many areas, it was not even possible to build a temporary chapel. The permitting system was centralized to such an extent that at the end of Gomulka's fourteen-year rule, the decision-making process involved thirty political and administrative actions. The mandatory rule promoted by UDV Director Alexander Skarzhinsky in the late 1960s was a flexible approach to building permits, which should only be issued in individual cases to loyal bishops. Thus, they hoped to effectively "decompose the episcopate". The complex of measures was supplemented by power solutions, the purpose of which was to combat the "wild" construction of cult objects. Its scale was unsettling. In 1967, 124 cases were recorded when the authorities were confronted with the fact that construction was completed, in 1968 - 198 churches, and in 1970-265. The first places in these statistics were occupied by the Warsaw Voivodeship, as well as Krakow and Rzeszow. Bishop I. Tokarchuk has carried out his pastoral mission on the territory of the latter since 1965. He successfully supported the construction of churches without regard for the authorities. The latter also couldn't decide what to do with the 400 "illegal" vicars that everyone knew about, and with almost 250 parish priests who were not approved by the authorities.
In the decade of the reign of Edward Gerek, a policy that can be called tacking was applied to the construction of temples. Officially, the normalization of relations with the church was proclaimed, but in reality maneuvers aimed at splitting the clergy were carried out. Despite the fundamental contradiction between the construction of churches and the ideological principles of the party, several dozen permits of various types were issued annually across the country. Among them were a few permits for the construction of new religious buildings. This was a drop in the bucket, if we talk about the wishes of the church. The Episcopate needed about 800 objects annually. The communist authorities did not intend to change it
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However, the church agreed in 1971 to grant ownership rights to more than four thousand churches and chapels in the Western and Northern Lands. The needs of the church were considered artificially high.
At the beginning of Gerek's ten-year rule, the NDP authorities developed basic criteria for issuing construction permits. Among them, there were several guidelines that should be followed when making a decision. Permission could be issued in the following cases: destruction of the former church (fire, technical wear), serious threat of social conflict, pro-government position of the bishop. Preferences were to be given to temple structures in small villages, as well as historical sites that would financially bind the church side so that it would not be able to bear the costs of building new temples.
The overwhelming majority of cases of intervention by bishops, priests and believers did not bring positive results, so cases of self-construction multiplied. New buildings were built for a church or chapel, or existing premises were converted for worship. State authorities made attempts to counteract these measures, which were transferred from the Przemysl diocese (where the irreconcilable Bishop I. Tokarczuk was active) to other dioceses in Southern and Central Poland. The action plan for Tokarchuk developed by the Interior Ministry was not implemented, as the hierarch remained adamant. At the same time, the bishop won the recognition of many other hierarchs.
In this situation, the ruling circles of Poland decided-along with intimidation, blackmail and administrative punishments - to forcibly pacify some villages in the dioceses of Southern and Central Poland. Police forces (motorized units of civil militia) and Security services were used against residents of the villages of Brudzowice in the Katowice Voivodeship (Diocese of Czestochowa), Cisec in the Katowice Voivodeship (Archdiocese of Krakow), Szklary in the Krakow Voivodeship (Archdiocese of Krakow), Zbrosha-Duz in the Warsaw Voivodeship (Archdiocese of Warsaw). The parishioners of the Przemysl diocese suffered especially much.
But during the period of intense political struggle with the independent self-governing trade union "Solidarity", the authorities began to issue mass permits for church construction.
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During the period of power of the first secretaries Stanislav Kani (1980-1981) and General Wojciech Jaruzelski (1981-1989), there was a construction boom in the construction of religious objects. The reasons for this change in the attitude of the authorities of the NDP were purely political. To preserve the relative neutrality of the church in the dispute with the opposition from Solidarity, it was decided to use the liberalization of the rules for issuing permits for the construction of churches. The most important result is a record number of new churches and chapels built in communist Poland in Europe.
The reality in the last decade of the NDP's existence was significantly different from what it was in the seventies. At that time, 710 permits were issued for the construction, restoration and conversion of Catholic churches and chapels. And about 400 temples were built. But this was not enough, because 700 new temples were needed annually.
The situation was radically changed only by Resolution No. 47 of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of November 24, 1981 on the planning and implementation of capital construction projects - religious and temple structures. The general provisions of the construction legislation concerned churches and chapels with an area of no more than 600 square meters. Strict planning and administrative oversight rules were applied to large buildings. Based on church data, it is known that in 1979-1983, 435 churches and over 370 chapels were put into operation. In turn, in 1984-1988, the construction of at least 465 churches and more than 590 chapels was completed. A state report dated December 31, 1988 stated that 551 churches and 404 chapels were under construction at that time. All this led to changes in the network of parishes, shortened the road to the church, local communities became more cohesive, and expanded pastoral opportunities.
The rules set out in Resolution No. 47 were in force until May 1989, when a new law on the State's relationship to the Church was adopted, but its consequences go beyond the period of interest.38
38. Gryz, R. (2010) "Construction of Sacred Buildings and its Law Regulations in Communist Poland", in M. Fiamová, P. Jakubčin (eds) Persecution of Churches in the Communist Countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Anthology of the international conference Bratislava September 30 - October 2, 2009, pp. 192-203. Bratislava.
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Partnership "PAX " how unique shape symbiosis with by authority
Catholic associations that did not fall under the strict control of state authorities ceased to exist in the fall of 1949,39 A unique phenomenon of the subsequent decades of the NDP was the activity of the PAX (MIR) Partnership, which formally existed since 1952. Its creator and leader, Boleslav Piasetsky, built a capitalist concern, the likes of which were not found in any socialist country between the Elbe and Vladivostok. Even before the Second World War, he led a fascist group called the National Radical Camp "Phalanx". Even then, he sought to establish a totalitarian system in Poland based on the rule of a single party. During the war, this charismatic politician was the chief commandant of the military anti-communist underground organization Confederation of the People. He conceived the idea of creating a federation of Slavic countries between the three seas: the Adriatic, Baltic and Black. This concept collapsed after a large part of Poland was occupied by the Red Army marching on Berlin, and the Warsaw Uprising failed.
Arrested by the NKVD, he spent several months in custody, where a surprising turn in his biography took place. After conversations, in particular, with General Ivan Serov ,the "genius boy" saved his life by inviting the leadership of the Polish Workers ' Party to participate in the construction of a new political system and play the role of a "Trojan horse" in Polish Catholicism. In the autumn of 1945, he received a concession to publish the newspaper Segodnya i Zavtra (Dzi? i Jutro), the editorial staff of which later created the PAX Partnership. At this stage of research, it is impossible to judge the nature of Pyasetsky's relations with the authorities in Moscow. During the "thaw" period, all his repeated attempts to contact them were fruitless.40
39. Biedroń, T. (1991) Organizacje młodzieży katolickiej w Polsce w latach 1945-1953. Kraków; Mardyła, P. (2014) Duszpasterska troska Kościoła o wiernych wywodzących się z Katolickiego Stowarzyszenia Młodzieży (1945-1989), w C. Kuta, J. Marecki (red.) Duszpasterstwa środowiskowe w latach 1945-1989. Archidiecezja krakowska, ss. 51-75. Kraków.
40. Bankowicz, B. (1996) "W labiryncie wieloświatopoglądowości: Stowarzyszenie PAX między marzeniem a rzeczywistością", w B. Bankowicz, A. Dudek Ze studiów nad
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Created by Boleslaw Piasecki, the PAX Partnership was used to fight the Roman Catholic Church in Poland. Andrzej Mitzewski and Tadeusz Mazowiecki, among others, rallied around the dizzying concept of Christianizing communism. The PAX leader incurred excommunication in 1955 by the Holy Chamber of the Roman Catholic Church, but remained in the political arena as a tool of the POR to play with Primate Wyszynski and the church. Piasecki hoped that the authorities in Moscow would approve of Poland's Catholic image and criticize the PORP's negligence in collectivizing the countryside, developing heavy industry, and spreading cosmopolitan views among Poles. However, neither Gomulka nor Gerek transformed PAX into a political party. Pyasetsky's utopian thesis about the inevitable conversion of the church hierarchy to socialist views also failed to materialize. When he died on January 1, 1979, Cardinal Karol Wojtyla 42 had been Pope for several weeks.
Apart from ideological and political issues, it is worth paying attention to the economic aspects of the PAX Partnership's activities. Its origins are connected with the aforementioned concession for the publication of the weekly "Today and Tomorrow" from November 1945. Two years later, the collective, which rallied around Boleslaw Piasecki, began publishing the magazine " Universal Word "(S l owo Powszechne). Then the PAX Publishing Institute was founded. On its basis, in April 1952, the PAX Partnership mentioned above was formed. The financial foundation was provided by the work of two main industrial and commercial departments of Veritas, which specialized in the sale of small items of religious significance and products of domestic and foreign art crafts. They also sold Catholic publications and distributed Catholic press. In turn, in the chemical industry, metalworking, woodworking and glass processing.-
PRL w katolicyzmu i Kościoła dziejami, ss. 53-71. Kraków; Dudek, A. Ślady PeeReLu. Ludzie, wydarzenia, mechanizmy, ss. 23-27; Dudek, A., Pytel, G. (1990) Bolesław Piasecki. Próba biografii politycznej, ss. 165-166. Londyn; Engelgard, J. (2015) Bolesław Piasecki 1939-1956. Warszawa. Cf.: Volobuev V. V. Intraparty struggle in Poland and cooling of Soviet-Chinese relations in the late 1950s. Vocations and profession. To the anniversary of V. V. Maryina, Moscow, 2013.
41. PAX accepted all the tenets of Marxist ideology, except for atheism (editor's
42. Dudek, A. Ślady PeeReLu. Ludzie, wydarzenia, mechanizmy, ss. 27-30.
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in the production area was located the production of the company "Inco". The Ministry of Small-Scale Industry and Crafts granted both entities the rights of state-owned enterprises in 1953. Thanks to this, they were able to make financial settlements on preferential terms, including de facto avoiding income tax, purchasing raw materials and having guaranteed sales. 43
After the political upheaval of 1956, PAX received another concession. He was able to create a new publishing house, Augustinum. In 1957, the Construction and Housing Cooperative of employees "PAKS"was established. The editorial board of Universal Word has reached an agreement with the Committee for the Construction of a church in New Huta and launched a fund for the construction of a church in the name of Our Lady Queen of Poland in Krakow - in New Huta. The PAX Board has established twelve voivodeship branches from Szczecin to Rzeszow and from Wroclaw to Bialystok. In 1958, PAX continued to develop its economic potential. PAX Publishing Company, which had previously taken over Inco and Veritas, changed its name to United Economic Collectives LLC. Young people created an Employment Center that helped graduates of higher educational institutions find work in the western lands of Poland. The strengthening of PAX's economic position was consolidated by Council of Ministers Resolution No. 446 of November 17, 1958, which gave all PAX's economic entities the status of socialized enterprises. This made it possible to cover them by arbitration and include them in the National Economic Development Plan44.
Indisputable success in business could not save from misfortune in the family: Boleslav Pyasetsky's eldest son Bogdan died in 1957. The central office of the organization and its local branches were monitored by the Security Service (specific when compared with other Catholic organizations). Personnel issues and the political image of the partnership were under full control. However, it was the only organization in Poland that was allowed to publish large volumes of books by Catholic writers and religious publications, including the Holy Scriptures, liturgical books and breviaries. In addition, people associated with the former underground worked there
43. Dudek, A. Pytel, G. Bolesław Piasecki. Próba biografii politycznej, ss. 196-198; Kuta, C. Komu służył PAX? [www.nowahistoria.interia.pl/news-komu-sluzyl-pax,nld,1065421, accessed on 14.03.2016].
44. Dudek, A. Pytel, G. Bolesław Piasecki. Próba biografii politycznej, ss. 263-268.
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The Home Army, the Mikolajczyk Polish Peasant Party 45, or even the National Armed Forces 46.
PAX lost its significance after Pyasetsky's death. His successor, Ryszard Reiff, tried to change the political line: he was the only member of the State Council who did not vote for the introduction of martial law in Poland. 47 As a result, the secret services put Zenon Komender, who was loyal to the authorities, at the head of PAX. 48 In the 1980s, and then in the new conditions, after the change in the socio-political system, this community continued to successfully develop its economic activities, which began half a century earlier.49
Clubs catholic intellectuals
The development of the club movement was also a unique phenomenon. The first Clubs of the Catholic Intelligentsia (CCI) were established in 1956-1958. In chronological order, these clubs were located in the following cities: Warsaw, Poznan, Torun, Krakow, and Wroclaw. In 1971, these CCIs had about 2,700 members. Registration was denied to fifteen centers (in particular, in the cities of Augustow, Bielsko-Biala, Bialystok, Gdansk, and Szczecin). The initiators of the KKI in Lublin, opened in 1976, were no more than two dozen people. Then the club grew into a community of six hundred members. It is worth quoting here the statement of one of the founders and leaders of the Lublin CCI, Professor Czeslaw Strzeszewski, who in the early 1990s recalled::
45. Stanislaw Mikolajczyk (1901-1966) - Polish statesman and politician, Prime Minister of the Government of Poland in exile in 1943-1944, returned to his homeland in 1945, joined the Provisional Government of National Unity as Second Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Agriculture. From his supporters, he created the Polish Peasant Party (PKP). After the PCP's defeat in the 1947 elections, he emigrated to the United States. - Note. perev.
46. The National Armed Forces is the military wing of the chauvinist National Party, which was banned in 1945 by the new government
47. In December 1981- . note.
48. Kuta, C. Komu służył PAX?; Kołodziejczyk, A. (2008) "Bolesław Piasecki i jego idea", w S. Bober (red.) Komu służył PAX. Materiały z sympozjum "Od PAX-u do Civitas Christiana", zorganizowanego przez Katolickie Stowarzyszenie Civitas Christiana, 30-31 stycznia 2008 roku, s. 40. Warszawa.
49. Busse, K. (2014) Utopia i rzeczywistość. Stowarzyszenie PAX w życiu politycznym, społecznym i gospodarczym PRL i III RP na przykładzie województwa radomskiego (1975-1993). Lublin - Radom.
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The first years of our Club's activity were difficult. In the absence of its own premises, the club's meetings were held in the cozy hall of the Capuchin Fathers on the Cracow Suburb, and the topics of the reports concerned mainly Catholic social teaching. The hall was so crowded that sometimes the audience, who did not have enough chairs, sat on the floor. The discussions were conducted so freely that sometimes, as chairman of the assembly, I had to soften a little anti-communist or anti-Soviet speeches. An example of this was the statement during the discussion that the Soviet Union stabbed Poland in the back in 1939, having committed an act of aggression in September. The number of members of the Club has been growing rapidly since we got our own premises. Further integration of members took place, and initiative groups were formed spontaneously. Our activities also extended to public life, current, socio-political issues were discussed, and we developed self-education 50.
The centers around which the Catholic intelligentsia rallied were legal islands of independent thought. They were forced to take into account political realities, formally accepting the superiority of socialism over other doctrines. Nevertheless, they also sought to promote Christian values. KKI activists kept in touch with church hierarchs, as well as local clergy, and developed a critical position in relation to the phenomena that hindered the development of people's religiosity. Club centers resisted the pressure of party and state bodies. The emergence of free trade unions51 and then Solidarity led to the fact that this social movement ("second wave") covered not only the already listed important urban centers, but also the Polish province (Grudzendz, Krosno, Szczecinek). According to the Security Service, in the period 1980-1981. 47 CCIs were registered. The clubs organized Weeks of Christian Culture, pilgrimages to local and Polish places of worship, prayer meetings, concerts and theatrical performances,
50. "Wierność. Z prof. dr. hab. Czesławem Strzeszewskim - założycielem Klubu Inteligencji Katolickiej i prezesem Zarządu w latach 1976-1983 - rozmawia Edward Balawajder" (2002), w E. Balawajder (red.) Czesław Strzeszewski współtwórca i świadek katolicyzmu społecznego w Polsce XX wieku. Księga Pamiątkowa, s. 492. Lublin.
51. Underground trade unions created by opposition figures in 1978-1980- note.
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lectures (including public ones), religious Olympiads. The last decade of the NDP's existence was a period of very active work of the CCIs, whose members became part of the new local and national elites who participated in the transformation of the political system.52 For example, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the first prime Minister of non - communist Poland in 1989, was associated with Clubs of Catholic intellectuals.
Stormy height pilgrimages and statistics religious values
The pilgrimage movement played an important role in the culture and religious life of Poles after the Second World War. Catholics have cultivated this form of religious practice since the Middle Ages, going to the relics of saints and places of worship, as well as to pilgrimage centers associated with the cult of the Virgin Mary. The increased worship of the Mother of God during the partitions of Poland was an important component of Polish church life in the 20th century.53 Changes in the borders of Poland and the religious composition of the population led to a change in pilgrimage destinations. In the first place among the national shrines was the Czestochowa Icon of the Mother of God in the Yasnoguri Monastery. About half a million pilgrims gathered to celebrate the anniversary of the dedication of the Polish people to the Immaculate Heart of the Virgin Mary on Yasnaya Gora on September 6-9, 1947. State authorities even then tried to prevent the mass participation of believers. They made it difficult to exchange information and organize logistics services.-
52. Ceglarz, T. (2015) Klub Inteligencji Katolickiej w Szczecinku w latach 1981-1997, Poznań [manuscript of the dissertation for the degree of Candidate of Sciences under the supervision of Prof., Dr. Stanislaw Jankowiak at the University of Warsaw. Adam Mickiewicz in Poznań (in the author's collections), ss. 17-42, 147-200]. See more in recent publications: Białecki, K. (2012) Klub Inteligencji Katolickiej w Poznaiu w latach 1956-1991. Poznań; Białkowski, M. (2008) Oaza na Mostowej. Klub Inteligencji Katolickiej w Toruniu (1957-2007). Toruń; Białecki, K. (red.) (2014) Kluby inteligencji Katolickiej jako przestrzeń działań niezależnych w latach osiemdziesiątych XX wieku, Warszawa-Poznań; Graczyk, R. (2011) "W systemie i poza systemem. Krakowski Klub Inteligencji Katolickiej (1956-1989)", w. B. Tracz (red.) Kościół i kultura niezależna, ss. 34-51. Katowice; Kaźmierczak, P. (2009) Klub Inteligencji Katolickiej w Krakowie w latach 1956-1989. Kraków; Ptaszyński, R., Sikorski, T. (red.) (2014) Sensus catholicus. Katolicy świeccy w Polsce Ludowej. Postawy - aktywność - myśl. Studia i szkice. Toruń.
53. Olszewski, D. (1987) "Fenomen polskiego Kościoła. Pobożność maryjna", Niedziela 6: 1, 7.
54. Żaryn, J. Kościół a władza w Polsce (1945-1950), ss. 160-161.
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social security of the audience (communications, food supplies, hotels for pilgrims). The process of Stalinization of life in Poland co-existed with a policy of isolating the faithful in private homes and church walls (falling into ritualism), which foreshadowed the realization of the "church hidden from prying eyes" model.55
The public demonstration of religious feelings was observed by state security officers, and it was fought with administrative methods. Permits for organizing pilgrimages were regulated, preference was given to traveling by rail instead of walking, the number of hikes was limited, and organizers were fined for minor offenses. Until the end of the NDP's existence, instructions from the report of Colonel Yulia Brystigerova, who ordered the special services to create a network of informants among the pilgrims, were in effect. In addition, the orders of Yakub Berman, one of Boleslav Berut's closest associates, 56 which referred to the promotion of mass events related to secular holidays and rituals, also remained in force. The alternative for religious holidays was to celebrate Mountain Day, Sea Day, Women's Day, Policeman's Day, thousandth Machine, etc. 57 Since 1948, State authorities have considered walking pilgrimages to be suspicious political demonstrations. During the annual May pilgrimage of men and teenage boys in Pekary-Slensk in 1949, the police monitored drivers, demanding special permits from them, and in the case of horse - drawn teams, they checked the condition of the horses ' shoes and teeth.58
55. Dziurok, A. (2012) Kruchtoizacja. Polityka władz partyjno-państwowych wobec Kościoła katolickiego w latach 1945-1956 w województwie śląskim/katowickim, s. 13. Katowice.
56. President of Poland in 1947-1952, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PORP in
57. Kula, M. (2003) Religiopodobny komunizm. Kraków; Main, I. (2004) Trudne świętowanie. Konflikty wokół obchodów świąt państwowych i kościelnych w Lublinie (1944/1989). Warszawa; Marek, Ł., Bortlik-Dźwierzyńska, M. (2014) Za Marksem bez Boga. Laicyzacja życia społecznego w Polsce w latach 1945-1989, ss. 255-364. Katowice. In a party analysis by Jakub Berman in the autumn of 1947, we read: "The secularization of the broad masses of the people consists in the methodically pursued principle of 'The Church is everywhere', and therefore 'the Church is nowhere'.".. We are leaving the street beggars and empty-hearted", and the "healthy and vital" elements should remain in the new reality without "obscurantism" and "reactionism"." Cipher 295 / VII-210 / / Archive of New Acts in Warsaw( ANA), Central Committee of the Polish United Workers ' Party, pp. 83-85.
58. Dziurok, A. Kruchtoizacja. Polityka władz partyjno-państwowych wobec Kościoła katolickiego w latach 1945-1956 w województwie śląskim/katowickim, ss. 243-245,
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Tensions surrounding the organization of pilgrimage trips to Yasnaya Gora were particularly noticeable in 1956, 1966, and 1980. On the feast of the Mother of God of Czestochowa on August 26, 1956, the Yasnoguri Monastery celebrated the three-hundredth anniversary of the renewal of the Lviv vow of John II Casimir, given during the Swedish "flood". 59 The empty chair of Primate Stefan Vyshinsky (during his arrest, 1953-1956) symbolized then the tension in relations between the state and the church. Several hundred thousand pilgrims (according to some sources, one million) repeated the words of the People's Vows 60 and demonstrated their devotion to the church and religious values 61.
On May 2-4, 1966, Jasna Gora became the site of the main celebrations associated with the Millennium of the Baptism of Poland (Sacrum Millennium Poloniae). Pope Paul VI was not allowed to participate in them, but a million believers came to the celebrations. In turn, the preparations for the celebration of the six-hundredth anniversary of the finding of the icon of the Mother of God of Czestochowa (Black Madonna) in 1982 were preceded by conflicts over the freedom of pilgrimage. For several months after John Paul II's first visit to Poland and Czestochowa, the authorities of the People's Republic of Poland tried to isolate the monastery and the Yasnogorsk shrine from the rest of the city - to build a tunnel and a high-speed highway. The case dragged on until the spring of 1981 and was completed, probably as a result of the direct intervention of John Paul II.62
Separately, we should mention the visits of the Polish Pope to his homeland and the pilgrimages of the faithful who accompanied them.63 It is also necessary to mention the processions to the grave of fr. Jerzy Popieluszko (2.4 million pilgrims in 1985) or about foreign trips of Poles to the Holy Land, Rome, Lourdes and Vilnius.
248, 252.
59. In 1656, amid the Swedish and Russian invasions, King John II Casimir dedicated the country to the Virgin Mary and proclaimed her Queen of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. - note.
60. A special prayer to the Virgin Mary on behalf of the Polish people, written by S. Wyszynski while under arrest. - note.
61. Żaryn, J. (2007) "Ruch pielgrzymkowy na Jasną Górę (1956-1978)", w K. Kersten (red.) Częstochowa. Dzieje miasta i klasztoru jasnogórskiego, t. 4: Dzieje miasta i klasztoru po 1945 roku, ss. 280-281. Częstochowa.
62. "N 87-118" (2009), w W. P. Wlaźlak, A. Sznajder (red.) Ruch pielgrzymkowy na Jasną Górę 1945-1989. Wybór dokumentów, ss. 315-419. Katowice.
63. Łatka, R. (red.) (2013) Pielgrzymki Jana Pawła II do Krakowa w oczach SB. Wybór dokumentów. Kraków.
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Trying to summarize in this essay our knowledge of the phenomenon of post-war pilgrimage in Poland, we should give statistics on its development. In this process, the following phases can be traced: dynamic growth until 1948, decline in the fifties, constant progress since 1966, which in the last decade of the NDP's existence took on the character of spontaneous development. For example, in 1980, 4 million people visited the place of worship in Czestochowa. pilgrims, 600 thousand people were registered in Bakeries in 1987, on Mount sv. Anna - 400 thousand, in Kalvaria-Zebzhidovskaya-about 700 thousand. At the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, Poland experienced a radical rejuvenation of the pilgrimage movement. High school students and college students accounted for more than 50% of travelers. Let us add that at that time there were more than 400 local and parish places of worship, and in 1962-1989 87 icons were crowned, 64 often with the participation of the Primate of Poland and 65 bishops.
Here are some statistics on the overall level of religiosity. In 1986, over two million members of the PORP, about 66%, described themselves as believers.66 General Jaruzelski in 1987, before the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the PORP, said that the party was dragging a terrible "religious hump". It could not be surgically removed or discarded, as he explained to Erich Honecker.67 This was impossible, if only because of the increase in the number of clerics.
64. In the tradition of the Catholic Church, crowning an icon means officially recognizing it as miraculous. If the icon shows the Christ Child in addition to the Mother of God, two crowns are made - for Mary and Jesus. - Note. perev.
65. Datko, A. (2000) "Sanktuaria i pielgrzymki - pątnictwo w Polsce po 1945 roku", w: W. Zdaniewicz, T. Zembrzuski (red.) Kościół i religijność Polaków 1945-1999, ss. 319-324. Warszawa.
66. Preliminary report on the study of the position of party members in relation to religion and the Church-November 1986, code VII / 78 / / ANA, Central Committee of the Polish United Workers ' Party, pp. 312-321. The problem of the PORP's attitude to the phenomenon of religiosity of party members and figures was analyzed in detail. See: Kosiński, K. (2014) "Religianctwo". Napięcie między ideologią a religią w świadomości członków i działaczy PZPR, Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i materiały 12: 107-203; Śmierzchalski-Wachocz, D. (2004) Partia komunistyczna wobec przejawów wiary katolickiej w swoich szeregach na Środkowym Nadodrzu 1945-1970, ss. 76-270. Ząbki.
67. Dudek, A. (2004) "Polityka władz Polski Ludowej wobec Kościoła katolickiego - trwanie i zmiana", w A. Grześkowiak (red.) Represje wobec osób duchownych i konsekrowanych w PRL w latach 1944-1989, ss. 20-21. Lublin.
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Let us refer to the calculations of representatives of the statistical historical school of Witold Zdanevich. If in 1945 there were about 8.8 thousand diocesan priests and 1.5 thousand monastics in Poland, then in 1989 there were already more than 18 thousand diocesan priests and more than 6 thousand monks. The number of diocesan priests since the beginning of the pontificate of John Paul II and until 1990 has increased by 4 thousand, that is, by 27%. Let's add to this the data on the number of young priests (neo-presbyters) in relation to deceased priests. In 1970, there were twice as many of the former, and in 1988 - three times as many. As of December 31, 1989, Catholics in Poland numbered 36 million people, or 94.6% of the population, and members of other faiths-3.5%, undecided in matters of faith-1.9% 68.
Conclusion
The phenomenon of the Polish Church in 1944/45-1989 was that under the conditions imposed by the Communists, its position was systematically strengthened. The Church was firmly on its feet, mainly thanks to its leaders. Primate Stefan Wyszynski's pastoral programs were extremely significant. They were accompanied by the activities and sermons of Cardinal Karol Wojtyla-Pope John Paul II. Hierarchs, clergy, and believers relied on these two pillars. This essay does not touch on the comparison with other churches in the communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which deserves a separate study; 69 but it is safe to say that the role of the church in Poland was exceptional.
As a result of the Second World War, the church suffered heavy losses. For several decades, the Polish United-
68. Jarmoch, E., Zdaniewicz, W. (1991) "Księża diecezjalni", w L. Adamczuk, W. Zdaniewicz (red.) Kościół katolicki w Polsce 1918-1990. Rocznik statystyczny, ss. 133, 140. Warszawa; Mariański, J. (1991) Katolicy w strukturze wyznaniowej Polski, w L. Adamczuk, W. Zdaniewicz (red.) Kościół katolicki w Polsce 1918-1990. Rocznik statystyczny, s. 54. Warszawa.
69. The postulated comparative study should contain empirical data for Central and Eastern European countries. The development of research will make it possible to update previous attempts at comparison, for example: Cywinski, B. (1994) Ogniem próbowane. Z dziejów najnowszych Kościoła katolickiego w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. "...i was prześladować będą", t. II, ss. 137-356, 404-438 Warszawa.
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The Workers ' Party pursued an anti-clerical and anti-religious policy. Repression, harassment, and discrimination affected church hierarchs, clergy, and lay believers. Clergymen were killed from the first years of Stalinism until 1989. The Communists, however, were helpless against the authority of the Church in Polish society. After the withdrawal of religion from public schools, religious education of children and young people took place in catechesis centers in parishes. The Catholic University of Lublin continued its activity. After the appearance of Solidarity in the 1980s, a boom in the construction of religious buildings began. Independent cultural figures were united in Clubs of the Catholic intelligentsia. The pilgrimage movement was breaking mass records. The number of priests and monks has increased. As a result, the Catholic Church was able to participate in the process of changing the state system.
The Church actively contributed to the peaceful transformation of the political regime. In post-war Poland, she was an ideological opponent of the authorities. The strategy of the highest hierarchs of the Church, led by Primate Stefan Wyszynski and Pope John Paul II, was to avoid direct clashes with the authorities of the NDP and conduct a dialogue within the limits allowed by the principle of church autonomy. In the 1950s, this helped save the bulk of church structures from infiltration and subjugation by the state (as happened in Czechoslovakia and Hungary). The Church played the role of mediator and guarantor of agreements between the authorities and the political opposition. In 1980-1981, the church helped legalize the social movement led by Solidarity. In the crucial months of 1988-1989, the church maintained a dialogue between the authorities and the opposition and took part in the new legalization of Solidarity (the trade union was banned during martial law).
Changing the system without shedding blood remains one of the most important political achievements of the Church. The Church has benefited from the democratization process. This had both positive and negative aspects. Having gained a huge direct influence on the political sphere of life, the church, as the guarantor of the round table agreements, also assumed some of the responsibility for its consequences, not all of which can be considered unambiguously positive.
Translation with polish Tatiana Krechko
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